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The text advocates for a new transatlantic narrative that integrates civil society 'transformers'—including climate activists, women's movements, and marginalized groups—into political discourse. It emphasizes that democratic resilience requires diverse representation in institutions and the prioritization of social justice and the climate crisis over old security-centric models.

The author contends that the Biden-Harris administration provides an opportunity to reboot transatlantic relations by integrating diverse civil society movements—such as those focused on climate, racial justice, and gender equality—into the political discourse. The text argues that the previous focus on a common security policy is obsolete and should be replaced by a narrative of democratic resilience and inclusivity. It highlights the role of grassroots networks and regional initiatives, such as the 'We Are Still In' and 'Under2Coalition' alliances, as models for strengthening solidarity. The document concludes that achieving a 'build back better' transatlantic relationship requires structural and financial support for civil society and the implementation of joint regulations on hate speech and disinformation.

The briefing suggests that the United States can leverage its March 2021 UN Security Council (UNSC) Presidency to advance climate security through immediate activities—such as formal briefings, dialogues with Pacific Island Forum states, and a Presidential Statement—and long-term institutional reforms. Proposed long-term measures include integrating climate security into UN mission reports, establishing Climate Security Crisis Watch Centers, creating a formal climate and security mandate, and establishing dedicated offices within the Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, the Department of Peace Operations, and the Office of Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

The World Resources Institute expresses support for President-elect Joe Biden's foreign policy nominees, specifically highlighting the appointment of John Kerry as Special Presidential Envoy for Climate and the decision to elevate that role to the National Security Council. The statement asserts that the selected team, including Antony Blinken and Jake Sullivan, will prioritize science-based diplomatic strategies and multilateral cooperation to address climate change as a national security and humanitarian threat.

The report examines the AU's efforts to adapt counter-terrorism operations through the African Standby Force, the impact of COVID-19 on election observation, and the need for incumbents to step down during elections to ensure fairness. It also analyzes the tension between the principle of inviolable colonial borders and secessionist movements, such as in Ghana, and discusses the complexities of harmonizing a common African position in negotiations with the European Union.

The document argues that meaningful global greenhouse gas emissions reductions are increasingly unlikely due to political instability and the COVID-19 pandemic. It recommends that South Africa shift its focus from the UNFCCC process toward strengthening domestic and regional adaptive capacity and resilience. The authors suggest leveraging South Africa's soft power and its role as AU chair to champion a 'green' recovery agenda at the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the EU–AU Summit, while urging the country to move away from its dependence on the Mineral-Energy Complex.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) supports the European Commission's goal of at least 55% emissions reductions by 2030 and argues that achieving carbon neutrality by mid-century requires a diverse portfolio of advanced technologies beyond wind and solar. CATF recommends optimizing the EU ETS to fund commercial-scale demonstrations of carbon capture and hydrogen, implementing mandatory leak detection and repair for oil and gas systems, and using the EU's purchasing power to pressure major gas suppliers like Russia and Qatar to reduce methane emissions.

The document emphasizes the need for global actors and diplomats to anticipate and manage the trade-offs associated with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to ensure a sustainable world. It specifically highlights that aligning peacebuilding and climate adaptation efforts can enhance long-term stability and resilience.

A statement by national organizations urging the U.S. Senate to reject Mike Pompeo's nomination for Secretary of State, citing his climate change denial, hawkish foreign policy views, and record on human rights.

The paper analyzes the Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy (FANSPS) of Ethiopia, which prioritizes domestic security and development over external concerns. While this approach has supported economic growth and regional mediation roles, the author argues it has led to strategic vulnerabilities, including a failure to secure sea access and an underestimation of threats from Eritrea and Egypt. The document recommends a more proactive, opportunity-based diplomatic approach to enhance regional trade and security.

The author asserts that while President Trump pledged to "cancel the Paris Agreement," no single nation can technically cancel the international deal for others. The text highlights that registered American voters support U.S. participation by a margin of more than 5 to 1, including approximately half of those who voted for Trump in 2016. Furthermore, the document notes that over 150 of the largest U.S. corporations, including major oil companies, have affirmed their commitment to climate action. The author warns that withdrawing would undermine diplomatic relationships with major economies like China, the EU, and the U.K., and damage the international standing of the U.S.

The World Resources Institute outlines five primary reasons why the United States should maintain its participation in the Paris Agreement, asserting that withdrawal would harm U.S. diplomatic standing, business interests, and job growth in the clean energy sector. The author highlights that 71 percent of Americans support staying in the Agreement and notes that the U.S. clean energy workforce is expanding significantly faster than the coal sector. Furthermore, the document argues that remaining in the Agreement allows the U.S. to maintain leverage over transparency requirements and the development of the Agreement's rulebook.

The World Resources Institute highlights the Paris Agreement as a critical turning point in global climate action, noting increased support from cities, companies, and investors. The statement emphasizes that nearly 50 countries have committed to a 100% renewable energy future and urges the United States to remain in the agreement, citing strong domestic public support and the alignment of its international allies.

The World Resources Institute argues that the incoming Trump administration must continue investing in clean energy and sustainable infrastructure to drive economic growth and job creation. It emphasizes that the global transition to a low-carbon economy is inevitable, citing increased solar and wind projections and corporate commitments to science-based targets. Furthermore, it asserts that maintaining the U.S. commitment to the Paris Agreement is essential for preserving international trust and diplomacy.

Dr. Daniel A. Reifsnyder describes the iterative process of drafting the Paris Agreement, emphasizing the shift toward a 'Party-driven' approach and the breakdown of the 'firewall' between developed and developing nations. He highlights the importance of the October 5 non-paper as a template for the final deal and details the agreement's core goals, including temperature limits and a robust transparency system.

The report examines design elements for mitigation commitments in the 2015 global climate agreement, focusing on participation, commitment types, ambition guidance, and transparency to ensure effective and equitable national targets.

The ADP 2-11 session in Bonn was characterized by a loss of consensus and a reversal of previous progress due to dissatisfaction with the Co-Chairs' proposed negotiating text. Instead of advancing toward a final agreement for COP 21, parties spent the session re-compiling a more comprehensive but fragmented text, reverting to positions held earlier in 2015. The meeting was further hampered by procedural disputes over the use of closed spin-off groups and a lack of progress on the accompanying decision text, leaving the Paris negotiations with a complex and unrefined basis for agreement.

Track 0, led by Farhana Yamin, Erik Haites, and Niklas Höhne, has developed a draft Paris Agreement designed to reduce the 90 pages of the February 2015 Geneva Negotiating Text into a manageable, ambitious, and politically balanced document. This proposal was created in response to slow progress during the June negotiating session in Bonn and precedes an informal Ministerial Meeting hosted by the French Government on 20 and 21 July in Paris.

The document discusses the necessity and design of an ex ante assessment process for INDCs to ensure alignment with international objectives and build trust among UNFCCC Parties, highlighting three key decision points for COP 20 in Lima.

Benoît Lechat discusses the need to broaden the social appeal of ecological policies in Europe, critiquing the 'liberal-productivism' that dominates the EU and the 'ascetic' or 'expertocratic' image of Green parties. He analyzes the electoral stabilization of Green parties following the May 2014 European elections, noting gains in Sweden and Austria but declines in France and Belgium. Using the theories of Etienne Balibar, Alain Lipietz, and Ulrich Beck, Lechat argues that climate change must be treated as a strict social issue rather than a niche environmental one. He specifically reflects on the decline of the Belgian party Ecolo, attributing its loss of voters to problematic coalitions with the PS, mismanagement of photovoltaic green certificates, and resistance to wind energy development in Wallonia.