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GreenLatinos advocates for the immediate passage of the Build Back Better Act (BBBA), arguing that the legislation is essential for providing climate justice, clean energy infrastructure, and water security to disproportionately affected Latino and Indigenous communities. The organization specifically calls on Senator Joe Manchin and Colorado Senators Hickenlooper and Bennett to support the bill's provisions on coastal restoration, lead removal from drinking water, and sustainable transportation.

The 2021 Climate, Environmental, and Energy Congressional Hearings Tracker catalogs a wide array of legislative inquiries across both the House and Senate. The hearings covered a diverse range of subjects, including the 'Clean Future Act', the 'American Jobs Plan', the impact of PFAS 'forever chemicals', and the resilience of the electric grid following the 2021 Texas grid failure. Significant attention was given to environmental justice, the role of the Department of Energy in innovation, and international climate strategies leading up to COP26. The tracker organizes these hearings by committee, detailing the specific focus of each session, from sustainable aviation and offshore wind to the management of public lands and the risks of climate change in the Arctic.

The document outlines a framework for the sustainable implementation of solar-powered irrigation in India, specifically supporting the PM-KUSUM scheme. It emphasizes the 'water-energy-food nexus' and proposes five key pillars for state officials: inter-agency coordination, balanced financing for affordability, targeting marginal farmers, infrastructure support, and impact monitoring. The goal is to transition to clean energy and improve farmer well-being while preventing environmental degradation from groundwater depletion.

The report finds overwhelming public and organizational support for priority climate legislation in Connecticut, yet a significant gap exists between this support and legislative outcomes. While 91.7% of testimony positions supported priority bills, most legislation died in committee. The study highlights a stark imbalance in lobbying resources, with electric and gas utilities spending over $24 million—far exceeding the spending of environmental groups and renewable energy firms. Opposition to climate action has shifted from denying climate science to employing 'climate delay' discourses, such as arguing that Connecticut is too small to matter or that policies would disproportionately harm low-income residents.

The Build Back Better Act (H.R. 5376) allocates $555 billion toward climate change and clean energy to reduce climate pollution by 50-52% by 2030 from 2005 levels. The White House estimates these measures will reduce emissions by over one billion metric tons in 2030 compared to business as usual. The legislation includes incentives for domestic production of clean energy technologies, protections for workers, and mandates that 40 percent of investment benefits reach low-income and disadvantaged communities.

GreenLatinos supports the Bipartisan Infrastructure Framework for its investments in public transit, lead pipe replacement, and electric grid modernization, while calling for the immediate passage of the Build Back Better Act to address the climate crisis and protect frontline Latino communities.

The United States possesses the largest operating coal fleet in the OECD at 233 GW, with most plants over 30 years old. To meet the goal of a full coal phase-out by 2030, the US must increase its average annual retirement rate from 15 GW to 25 GW, a 66% increase. Current legislation, such as the Build Back Better Framework, is deemed insufficient to achieve this timeline, particularly after the removal of the Clean Energy Performance Program. The document suggests that the Biden administration should instead leverage Environmental Protection Agency regulations on air, water, and waste, and support local state-level policies and advocacy to accelerate the transition to a carbon-free power sector by 2035.

The G20 countries account for 84% of global greenhouse gas emissions from fossil fuels and 90% of global GDP, yet their climate commitments and financial contributions remain insufficient. While some G20 nations have submitted enhanced 2030 NDCs and net-zero targets, others, such as Brazil and Mexico, have reduced their ambitions. The document highlights a failure to meet the 2010 pledge of $100 billion annual climate finance for developing countries, noting that finance is often misdirected toward middle-income countries rather than the most vulnerable, and increasingly provided as loans rather than grants. Furthermore, G20 countries have provided more funding to fossil fuels (over $315 billion) than to clean energy (around $280 billion) since the start of the Covid-19 pandemic.

The 2021 Production Gap Report finds that governments plan to produce significantly more fossil fuels by 2030 than is consistent with limiting global warming to 1.5°C or 2°C, with the gap remaining largely unchanged from previous assessments. While some G20 countries and multilateral development banks have reduced finance for fossil fuel production, over USD 300 billion in new funds have been directed toward fossil fuel activities since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, exceeding investments in clean energy.

The document analyzes the impact of Covid-19 on green SMME exporters in the Western Cape and evaluates how Wesgro adapted its trade promotion services. Key findings highlight that while travel restrictions severely hindered traditional matchmaking, the shift to virtual training, hybrid trade missions, and digital marketing increased accessibility for smaller firms. The report argues that these digital tools can reduce the environmental impact of business travel and help exporters adapt to emerging green economy demands and climate-related trade barriers, particularly in the EU market.

Over 200 civil society organizations are urging world leaders to stop international public finance for fossil fuels, noting that G20 members provide USD 77 billion annually to fossil fuels compared to USD 28 billion for clean energy. The statement calls for an immediate end to support for the entire fossil fuel value chain, the closure of financial loopholes, and increased climate finance for low-income countries in the Global South to ensure a just energy transition ahead of COP 26.

Earthjustice successfully challenged a proposal to invest nearly a billion dollars in the Big Sandy Coal Plant in eastern Kentucky, leading the owner to retire the plant in 2015. The legal action argued that aging coal plants were no longer economical, and the resulting agreement doubled the owner's investment in energy efficiency and included evaluations for clean energy replacements.

The report finds broad support among U.S. registered voters for clean energy policies and government action on global warming, though views on economic impacts and specific political actions remain divided along party lines.

A September 2021 survey of 898 registered U.S. voters reveals broad support for clean energy policies and the prioritization of global warming by the federal government, though significant ideological divides persist regarding economic impacts and the use of national emergency declarations.

SEforALL reports on its leadership in organizing Ministerial Thematic Forums to secure Energy Compacts, its advocacy for eradicating energy poverty within the G20, and its technical support for national energy transitions in countries such as Nigeria and Rwanda. The organization also highlights the launch of practitioner tools for mini-grid emissions and sustainable cooling, alongside diplomatic engagements with the UAE and the US to accelerate the global energy transition toward SDG7.

The paper advocates for the adoption of nuclear power in Africa to combat energy poverty and meet climate goals, noting that nuclear energy is a zero-emission source with a high capacity factor. It addresses safety concerns by comparing death rates and highlighting new reactor designs, while suggesting that Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) could mitigate high upfront costs and long construction times. The author emphasizes the need for robust national regulatory frameworks and international cooperation through bodies like the IAEA and FNRBA to ensure safety and security.

Between January 2020 and March 3, 2021, G7 nations invested more in fossil fuels (US$189 billion) than in clean energy (US$147 billion), despite pledges to achieve net-zero emissions by mid-century. The report finds that over 80% of fossil fuel funding lacked 'green strings' or climate targets, while only 10% of COVID-19 response funds supported the cleanest energy measures. To align with the Paris Climate Agreement, the report recommends that the G7 end support for fossil fuel production, increase green recovery spending to at least 40% of total COVID-19 recovery funds, and double climate finance pledges to assist low- and middle-income countries.

The STeP Fellowship Program, managed by the IAI, focuses on bridging the gap between science and policy in Latin America and the Caribbean. Between July 2020 and June 2021, the program conducted 20 virtual training sessions and established a joint inter-American group of 20 fellows with Mitacs Canada and AAAS. Current cohorts focus on sustainable agriculture in Argentina and sustainable cities in Mexico, with plans to expand into biodiversity and disaster risk mitigation. The program also seeks strategic partnerships, including negotiations with Chile's National Congress and the US Embassy in Peru.

The report analyzes government energy-related spending during the COVID-19 pandemic, finding that a significant portion of recovery funds still supports fossil fuel-intensive sectors. It proposes five core principles for a 'fossil-free recovery': ending public funding for fossil fuel production, reforming fossil fuel subsidies and taxes to raise revenue, 'swapping' those funds into clean energy (access, efficiency, transport, and power), incentivizing private investment in clean electricity, and ensuring a just transition for affected workers and communities.

The Council on Strategic Risks identifies critical gaps in U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) priorities, specifically noting a decline in biodefense spending and the need to operationalize climate resilience tools. The authors provide a set of targeted questions for nominees to key positions—including the Secretary of the Army and various Under Secretaries—to ensure that climate change, biological threats, and nuclear modernization are integrated into national security strategy and budget planning.