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The workshop, hosted by the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) on 22 September 2020, focused on the role of civil society and youth in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) process. Participants discussed the importance of inclusive governance, the necessity of a youth-focused civil society submission for South Africa's 2021 review, and shared lessons from APRM processes in Namibia, Botswana, and Zambia. Key discussions highlighted the need for civil society to demand accountability and the establishment of the APRM Youth Network to mainstream young people into governance reviews.

The author describes Tanzania's Covid-19 response as being characterized by a shift from initial preventive measures to a state of denial led by President John Magufuli. While the government initially formed a National Task Force and applied disaster management guidelines, it later revoked restrictions, declared the country 'coronavirus-free' in June 2020, and promoted unproven home remedies. The document highlights a lack of transparency, with the government failing to meet World Health Organization requests for data and suppressing media and opposition critics who called for lockdowns and scientific consultation.

The report details a Zoom workshop held on 20 May 2020, organized by the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) and the Botswana Council of Non-Governmental Organisations (BOCONGO). The session aimed to build the capacity of Botswana's civil society organisations (CSOs) to participate in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) by providing an overview of the mechanism and sharing lessons from Namibia and Zambia. Key discussions focused on the importance of inclusive National Governing Councils (NGC), the role of umbrella bodies like BOCONGO in coordinating CSOs, and the challenges of maintaining momentum and independence from government. The workshop also addressed the impact of COVID-19 on the process and outlined a plan for CSOs to develop evidence-based written submissions on up to 12 key governance issues in Botswana.

The report details a sensitisation project in Botswana led by the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) and the Botswana Council of Non-Governmental Organisations (BOCONGO). Key activities included a workshop for 20 civil society organisations (CSOs) on 10 March 2020, where participants discussed the APRM's potential to depoliticise socio-economic criticism and the risks of an 'implementation deficit' regarding National Programmes of Action (NPoA). The project identified a need for additional funding to ensure representation of CSOs outside the capital, Gaborone, to avoid the lack of national coverage experienced in a similar Namibian project. Meetings were held with the Botswana government, including the Director of Governance in the Office of the President, who admitted the country is "still far behind" in APRM implementation. Consultations with international partners like the European Union, the British High Commission, and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung focused on securing funding and aligning the project with donor objectives. The report also notes meetings with the University of Botswana and the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC) to foster collaboration between academia, government, and civil society.

The August 2019 Peace & Security Council Report examines the African Union's (AU) struggle to define 'unconstitutional changes of government' in the context of popular uprisings in Algeria and Sudan. It highlights the risks of increasing foreign military presence, particularly in the Horn of Africa, and the resulting rivalry between global powers like the US and China. The report also advocates for the inclusion of women in Sudan's peace process and warns of potential political instability in Côte d’Ivoire ahead of the 2020 elections. Finally, it discusses the limited access civil society organizations have to AU and regional economic community structures.

The document details the efforts of the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) and the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) to support Namibian civil society organisations (CSOs) in engaging with the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). Following Namibia's accession to the APRM in January 2017, CSOs formed a working group in 2018 to identify 13 critical governance issues and produce a written submission presented on 21 June 2019. The brief outlines ten lessons for other countries, emphasizing the need for early familiarity with the APRM, strategic issue selection, government engagement to build trust, and the use of peer learning from other states. It concludes that the process not only pressured the Namibian government to accelerate its national APRM process but also led to the creation of 'Civic +264', a new information hub for civil society coordination.

The document argues that public participation and access to information are essential for the effective implementation of the Paris Agreement, contributing to higher ambition and resilience. It outlines specific entry points for enhancing these procedural rights across several UNFCCC agenda items, including Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), Adaptation Communications, the Transparency Framework, the Global Stocktake, and Article 6 mechanisms. It also highlights the importance of regional frameworks like the Aarhus and Escazú Conventions and calls for improved engagement of observer organizations and the operationalization of the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform.

The document outlines the proceedings of a three-day conference focused on the causes, mechanisms, and aftermath of state capture in South Africa. It examines the role of apartheid legacies, the influence of the private sector, the vulnerability of state-owned enterprises, and the failure of oversight institutions. The report emphasizes that state capture is a politico-economic project involving both formal and informal power, often facilitated by the politicization of the bureaucracy and the erosion of the criminal justice system. It argues for comprehensive state reform, including electoral changes, transparency in party funding, and the protection of whistleblowers, while drawing comparisons with state capture in Nigeria, Kenya, and Angola.

The workshop, organised by SAIIA and IPPR, provided training to over 50 civil society members on the APRM's structure and the importance of early engagement. Key recommendations included the formation of a civil society working group and the development of a detailed written submission to influence the national review. Participants identified critical national issues for the submission, including land ownership, urban housing, the informal economy, education, and youth unemployment. The report also highlighted lessons from other African nations, noting that while the APRM can drive policy changes, such as women's rights in Lesotho, its impact is often limited by poor implementation of National Programmes of Action.

The paper examines the shift toward 'country ownership' in environmental and social (E&S) safeguards, where MDBs increasingly allow borrowing nations to use their own national systems. Through case studies of South Africa's Medupi Power Station and Ethiopia's road sector, the authors analyze the tension between MDB technical standards and national development priorities. While South Africa is presented as a model of high legislative alignment, Ethiopia illustrates challenges including capacity gaps, limited civil society participation, and the influence of non-traditional funders like China. The paper argues for a move from prescriptive standards to results-based implementation, recommending country-specific 'E&S safeguards plans,' enhanced regional capacity building, and a greater role for national development finance institutions (DFIs).

The report argues that discriminatory state practices, often driven by a focus on state security over human security, are counterproductive to countering violent extremism. It examines how 'othering' specific religious or ethnic groups—particularly Muslims and certain African ethnic communities—creates grievances that extremist groups exploit for recruitment. The authors advocate for a 'whole of society' approach that prioritises the rule of law, human rights, and socio-economic drivers over identity-based risk assessments.

The authors criticize the UN climate secretariat for holding meetings behind closed doors in Bonn, Germany, where rules for transparency under the Paris Agreement were discussed. They argue that excluding non-state actors—including NGOs, academics, and local governments—erodes the trust and accountability necessary for the agreement's success and limits the technical quality of the resulting rules. The document calls for the inclusion of civil society in future thematic discussions, specifically those on adaptation scheduled for May.

The report identifies agriculture, water, fisheries, energy, and health as sectors negatively affected by climate change in Ghana, with a particular emphasis on the vulnerability of the northern region. While the Government of Ghana has integrated climate risk into sectoral policies, the National Climate Change Policy and National Climate Change Adaptation Strategy are designed to provide the concrete actions missing from those documents. Current initiatives are concentrated in the agricultural sector and northern regions to support poverty reduction and economic growth. Future priorities include improving the evidence base for adaptation via monitoring and evaluation and increasing the capacity of sub-national actors and civil society networks.

The report examines the 2015 crisis in Burundi, arguing that while President Pierre Nkurunziza's attempt to secure an unconstitutional third term was the immediate trigger, the situation was underpinned by a long history of government intransigence, systemic repression of the opposition, and corruption. It details the CNDD-FDD's strategy of consolidating power through the 'nyakurisation' method of dividing opposition parties and the use of legislative tools to restrict civil liberties. The document also analyzes the internal fractures within the ruling party, the failure of the Arusha Agreement's power-sharing framework, and the subsequent violent crackdown on protestors, the media, and civil society following a failed coup attempt in May 2015.

The document examines how fragile states—characterized by poverty and weak institutions—are prone to recurring armed conflict. It describes a 'conflict trap' where low development leads to war, and war further degrades GDP and public services. The authors argue that the international community can break this cycle during peace settlements by deploying robust peacekeeping operations to solve 'commitment problems' and by ensuring peace agreements are inclusive of women and civil society rather than relying solely on elite bargains.

Friends of the Earth International calls on the Australian Prime Minister to reject a House of Representatives Inquiry report that proposes restricting the activities and charitable status of environmental advocacy groups. The organization argues that the report's recommendations—including spending requirements for remediation and limits on advocacy—would create unnecessary burdens and undermine the role of civil society in addressing the global environmental crisis.

The document reports on a COP21 side event regarding Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs). Speakers argued that NAMAs currently lack regulations on stakeholder engagement and environmental criteria, which undermines their potential for sustainable development. Case studies from Costa Rica and India illustrated how the dominance of the industrial sector and international agencies can marginalize civil society and informal workers, such as wastepickers. The event concluded that universal safeguards, including grievance mechanisms and transparent monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV) systems, are essential to ensure NAMAs are community-led and effective.

The document examines Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) as tools for developing countries to achieve mitigation and sustainable development goals. It highlights a significant gap between the high interest in NAMA development and the actual financial support provided, noting that less than 2% of requested support has been offered. The brief argues that the lack of official UNFCCC guidelines for stakeholder consultation and the absence of sector-specific environmental criteria—such as 'negative lists' to exclude harmful technologies—risk promoting 'greenwashing' and locking countries into high-carbon infrastructure. It recommends adopting universal safeguards, harmonized sustainable development assessments, and mandatory guidelines for effective stakeholder engagement, including indigenous peoples, to ensure NAMAs drive true transformational change.

The document evaluates the Open Government Partnership (OGP) against other peer-review mechanisms like the APRM, UPR, and OECDA, highlighting the OGP's flexibility, civil society involvement, and potential for harmonisation with existing governance reviews to benefit African states.

This report details a Carbon Market Watch webinar on Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs), emphasizing the role of civil society in ensuring sustainability and accountability. It highlights that while 162 NAMAs are in the pipeline, there are currently no agreed rules for stakeholder engagement. The report presents case studies from Mexico, where a low-emission school pilot empowered youth, and Georgia, where a gender-sensitive NAMA focused on energy-efficient stoves reduced rural poverty and improved gender equality.