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The report analyzes the IEA's Net Zero Emissions by 2050 (NZE) scenario, highlighting its call for an immediate end to new fossil fuel supply projects and a 75% reduction in methane emissions by 2030. While acknowledging the NZE as a benchmark for 1.5C alignment, the author criticizes its heavy reliance on carbon capture and storage (CCS), carbon dioxide removal (CDR), and biomass, which the report argues could prolong fossil fuel use and cause land-use conflicts. It further notes that the IEA underestimates the cost-competitiveness of renewables and the risks associated with nuclear energy. The document recommends that financial institutions immediately cease support for new fossil fuel and LNG projects and that the IEA adopt a more precautionary approach to unproven technologies.

CATF Executive Director Armond Cohen outlines the organization's efforts at COP26 to prioritize methane emissions reductions and the deployment of next-generation carbon-free technologies. Key achievements include the launch of the Global Methane Pledge and the inclusion of methane and coal 'phase down' language in the final COP26 text. The document emphasizes that meeting net-zero targets requires an expanded suite of technologies beyond renewables, including carbon capture, hydrogen, and advanced nuclear energy.

The briefing argues that increasing the 45Q tax credit from $50 to $85 per metric ton would significantly increase industrial carbon capture, potentially reducing annual CO2 emissions by 22 to 36 million metric tons by 2031, particularly in hard-to-abate sectors like cement and steel.

The High Level Panel for a Sustainable Ocean Economy, including leaders from 16 nations, advocates for a transition to a sustainable ocean economy to close the emissions gap. The Panel identifies six key action areas—nature-based solutions, renewable energy, industry decarbonisation, sustainable food, carbon capture and storage, and research—noting that these actions could provide up to 21% of the annual emissions cuts required to limit global warming to 1.5°C by 2050. Member nations commit to developing Sustainable Ocean Plans to manage 100% of their national waters sustainably within five years.

The report finds that new coal capacity in the IRP 2019 is unnecessary for energy security, more expensive than renewable alternatives, and incompatible with the Paris Agreement. Modelling shows that forcing 1.5 GW of new coal into the system increases total discounted power system costs by R23 billion in a reference scenario and up to R109 billion in a climate policy scenario. Furthermore, the study argues that a high-renewable pathway creates more jobs and supports higher GDP growth than a coal-dominated future.

The document asserts that only hydrogen produced from 100% renewable electricity is a true climate solution, though it remains energy-intensive and costly. It warns that current hydrogen production is dominated by fossil-fuel-based steam methane reformation and that 'blue' hydrogen may have a higher greenhouse gas footprint than burning natural gas or coal for heat. The author recommends prioritizing direct electrification for transportation and buildings, reserving green hydrogen for maritime shipping, aviation, high-heat industrial processes, and long-distance trucking.

The report uses the Louisiana Energy Policy Simulator (EPS) to compare a Business As Usual (BAU) trajectory with a Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) scenario. Under BAU, Louisiana's economy-wide emissions are projected to increase by 30% by 2050. Conversely, the NDC scenario, which aligns with Paris Agreement targets, could reduce statewide emissions by 97% below 2020 levels by 2050. This transition would rely heavily on industrial fuel switching and green hydrogen, potentially creating 263,000 new job-years and avoiding 2,300 premature deaths annually by 2050.

The report provides a comprehensive 'behind-the-scenes' look at the litigation brought by Milieudefensie and over 17,000 co-plaintiffs against Royal Dutch Shell. On May 26, 2021, the District Court of The Hague ruled that Shell must reduce its net carbon emissions by 45% by 2030 compared to 2019 levels. The court based its decision on a 'duty of care' and the necessity to respect human rights, aligning corporate policy with the Paris Agreement. The document serves as a manual for other climate litigants, detailing strategies for funding, community mobilization, and legal argumentation, while analyzing Shell's defenses and the broader implications for corporate accountability and the energy transition.

The document critiques the current global energy system as a driver of climate change and systemic oppression, particularly affecting women in the Global South. It warns against 'false solutions'—such as greenwashing and 'purplewashing'—where corporations adopt environmental or feminist rhetoric without challenging underlying power structures. The report advocates for a 'Feminist Just Energy Transition' based on energy democracy, public ownership, and the centrality of care work and life sustainability over profit accumulation.

The document critiques the current global energy system as a product of patriarchal extractivism and capitalism that disproportionately harms women, particularly in the Global South. It warns against 'greenwashing' (maquillaje verde) and 'purplewashing' (maquillaje violeta), where corporations use environmental and gender-equality narratives to mask continued exploitation. The authors advocate for a 'just and feminist energy transition' centered on the sustainability of life, public ownership, and the recognition of care work, rather than market-driven technological fixes.

The United States possesses the largest operating coal fleet in the OECD at 233 GW, with most plants over 30 years old. To meet the goal of a full coal phase-out by 2030, the US must increase its average annual retirement rate from 15 GW to 25 GW, a 66% increase. Current legislation, such as the Build Back Better Framework, is deemed insufficient to achieve this timeline, particularly after the removal of the Clean Energy Performance Program. The document suggests that the Biden administration should instead leverage Environmental Protection Agency regulations on air, water, and waste, and support local state-level policies and advocacy to accelerate the transition to a carbon-free power sector by 2035.

The report outlines a three-stage transition for Estonia to establish a green hydrogen economy by 2050. The first phase (2021-2025) focuses on pilot projects in transport and establishing a regulatory framework. The second phase (2025-2030) aims for scaling production to 300 MW+ and expanding FCEV use in public transport and heavy-duty vehicles. The final phase (2030-2050) envisions large-scale deployment with 5 GW+ of electrolyser capacity, full decarbonisation of the domestic truck fleet, and the establishment of a green chemical industry (ammonia and methanol), potentially reducing national greenhouse gas emissions by 12% by 2050.

The document asserts that plastic is fundamentally carbon and cannot be part of a climate solution, as its production and incineration are projected to consume up to 13% of the global carbon budget for a 1.5°C limit. It systematically refutes five industry claims regarding emissions-free production, carbon-free fuel, carbon sinks, offset schemes, and bioplastics, concluding that these narratives divert policymakers from the necessary goal of reducing plastic production.

Ember expresses concern that the mainstream model of BECCS—adding carbon capture to biomass power plants—may not generate negative emissions because burning wood for power is increasingly viewed as a net emitter of CO2. The submission highlights the high risk associated with the Drax power station project, noting it could cost UK energy bill payers over £30bn while potentially failing to deliver negative emissions. Ember recommends that the UK’s Biomass Strategy 2022 prioritize scientific research and independent monitoring of supply chains over the premature promotion of BECCS projects.

The Center for International Environmental Law asserts that COP26 faces a critical 'ambition gap' and warns against 'false solutions' such as net-zero targets and carbon capture that distract from the necessary phase-out of fossil fuels. The statement emphasizes that legitimate outcomes require equitable participation, particularly for low-income countries and Indigenous Peoples, and calls for developed nations to fulfill their $100 billion annual climate finance promise. It specifically critiques the UK's leadership for continuing North Sea oil leasing while promoting global climate action. The document advocates for a rights-based approach to Article 6 of the Paris Agreement to prevent land-grabs and double-counting of emissions, and demands the establishment of a dedicated loss and damage finance facility to support the most vulnerable communities.

The document characterizes "net-zero by 2050" pledges as a "dangerous greenwashing gimmick" that allows polluters to maintain a facade of climate action while protecting profits. It argues that net-zero is fundamentally different from "zero emissions" and relies on "unjust offsetting schemes," unproven technologies, and geoengineering. The authors contend that these schemes perpetuate environmental racism and injustice, particularly in BIPOC and low-wealth communities. The document demands that the United States, as a major historical polluter, achieve absolute greenhouse gas emissions reductions by 2030, keep fossil fuels in the ground, eliminate industrial wood biomass and factory farming, and provide international finance and technical assistance to developing countries.

The United Arab Emirates is the first Gulf state to announce a national drive to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050, with plans to invest $163 billion in renewable energy. The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) suggests that the UAE can leverage its technical capacity to scale low-carbon hydrogen and carbon capture and storage (CCS) to decarbonize its energy exports and support global climate targets. Key recommendations include expanding wind and solar power, developing both blue and green hydrogen, joining the Global Methane Pledge, and establishing international frameworks for clean fuel certification.

The document argues that Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) is essential for Germany to reach its 2045 climate neutrality goal, particularly for the cement, steel, and chemical industries. It calls for a government strategy that includes the development of CO2 transport infrastructure, the use of Carbon Contracts for Difference, and a legal declaration to the International Maritime Organization to enable cross-border CO2 transport.

The global pipeline of proposed coal power plants has decreased by 76% since 2015. As of July 2021, 44 economies have formally committed to no new coal, while another 40 are positioned to do so because they have no projects in their pre-construction pipeline. However, 37 economies still consider new coal, with China, India, Viet Nam, Indonesia, Turkey, and Bangladesh accounting for 82% of the remaining global pipeline. The report provides detailed profiles of these economies, highlighting the role of Chinese financing and the impact of local opposition and environmental concerns in halting projects.

The document argues that Shell engaged in a campaign of deception regarding climate change despite internal reports as early as 1988 warning that impacts could be the greatest in recorded history. It highlights a contradiction between Shell's public net-zero pledges and its financial investments, noting that between 2010 and 2018, only 1.3% of capital expenditures went to low-carbon projects. Furthermore, the briefing asserts that Shell's nature-based offset plans are unrealistic, requiring forest planting on a scale comparable to the size of Spain or Brazil.