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The manifesto calls for the ECB to update its 2021 Climate Roadmap by introducing green refinancing operations, greening the collateral framework, and proactively tilting its asset portfolios. It argues that current monetary policies may distort the energy transition and that the ECB should use its toolkit to support a Paris-aligned transition to mitigate 'fossilflation' and systemic financial risks.

The document argues that the GWP* metric allows major methane polluters to claim climate neutrality or "no additional warming" by merely stabilising emissions rather than eliminating them. It details how this approach is being embedded into the policies of New Zealand and Ireland, promoted by industry lobbies in Germany and the UK, and pushed by researchers and trade bodies in Brazil ahead of COP30. The author contends that government-linked research bodies are providing a "veneer of scientific legitimacy" to these industry-driven narratives to weaken national and international climate ambitions.

The document explains that Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) are national plans submitted every five years by parties to the Paris Agreement to show their climate ambition and progress. It argues that human rights-based policies are the most effective form of climate action and an obligation for all parties. The guide urges civil society to contact governments, exercise their right to participate in the drafting process, evaluate NDCs using a provided scorecard, and hold governments accountable for implementing their promises through legal or public action.

The document serves as a toolkit for civil society to ensure that the next round of NDCs, due before COP30, are human rights-based. It argues that such policies are both a legal obligation for Parties to the Paris Agreement and the most effective form of climate action. The guide outlines four primary actions for citizens: contacting governments, participating in drafting processes, reviewing NDCs using a provided scorecard, and holding governments accountable for implementation.

The report finds that global warming of 0.3°C since 2015 has already increased the annual average of hot days by 11 per country. While current emissions pledges have reduced projected warming from 4°C to 2.6°C, the latter would still result in an average of 57 additional hot days per year compared to today. Case studies of six major heat events show that some would have been nearly impossible without climate change, and all have increased in intensity and likelihood. The document argues that while heat early warning systems have expanded, adaptation finance and systemic urban and labor reforms are insufficient to meet the escalating risks.

A November 2025 survey of 990 registered U.S. voters reveals broad support for clean energy research, soil restoration, and the Paris Climate Agreement, though global warming remains a low-priority voting issue overall. While 59% prefer candidates who support climate action, only 1% rank it as their most important voting issue. There is strong bipartisan support for the proposed Foreign Pollution Fee Act (78%) and protecting workers from extreme heat (92%). However, actual political engagement remains low, with only 10% of voters having contacted government officials about global warming in the past year.

A survey of 915 registered U.S. voters in May 2025 reveals broad support for clean energy research, soil restoration, and the Paris Climate Agreement, though significant political polarization remains regarding the economic impact of the energy transition and the priority level of global warming. While many voters express willingness to take political action if asked, actual engagement remains low, hindered by barriers such as a lack of solicitation and perceived inefficacy.

The report presents findings from a nationally representative survey of 2,000 Indonesian adults conducted in 2025. While 73% of respondents report knowing little to nothing about climate change, 86% believe it is happening after receiving a definition. There is strong public support for clean energy policies, including a 79% favorability rate for banning new coal plants and an 83% support rate for the government's 2060 net-zero commitment. However, a gap exists between personal concern (88%) and actual engagement, with very few respondents having taken political action to address the issue.

Global Witness warns that a second Trump administration is likely to accelerate fossil fuel production, weaken protections for land and environmental defenders, and undermine global efforts to combat deforestation and climate disinformation. The organization highlights risks including the rollback of environmental regulations, the potential defunding of human rights initiatives, and a shift toward domestic mining on protected Native and Tribal lands. It also expresses concern over the 'anti-ESG' movement and the potential for social media platforms to spread disinformation under the guise of free speech.

The document identifies a shift from outright climate denialism to 'strategic skepticism,' where influential entities—including fossil fuel companies and right-wing populist movements—undermine climate action by questioning the economic efficiency and causes of climate change. It highlights that policymakers are primary targets of this disinformation, which is disseminated through social media, corporate sustainability reports, and interpersonal networks. The report argues that this environment erodes public trust in climate science and creates a cycle of political inaction. To combat this, the authors recommend standardized carbon reporting legislation, legal action against 'greenwashing,' the creation of multi-stakeholder coalitions, and the enhancement of scientific and media literacy for both the public and officials.

The document argues that the COP29 finance goal of US$300 billion is insufficient, covering less than 4.3% of projected global needs, and that Africa receives less than 3% of total global finance for developing countries. It highlights a critical imbalance where only 36% of Africa's climate finance is dedicated to adaptation. The brief calls for African nations to transition from passive actors to co-creators at COP30, advocating for the 'Baku to Belém Roadmap' to reach US$1.3 trillion and demanding that finance be grant-based, accessible, and channeled through African institutions. It also notes the negative impact of the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and the need for more inclusive participation for least developed countries in UN negotiations.

The report tracks G20 climate commitments from 2008 to 2024, noting a shift from general statements to specific goals like phasing out inefficient fossil fuel subsidies and implementing the Paris Agreement. It highlights the disruptive impact of US withdrawals from the Paris Agreement under the Trump administration and the challenges of institutional memory within the G20. For its 2025 presidency, South Africa focuses on 'solidarity, equality and sustainability', with specific priorities for Africa-focused energy access, climate-resilient agriculture, and scaling adaptation finance.

The report details the G20's shifting focus on food security from 2020 to 2025, highlighting key declarations and initiatives from various presidencies. It compares G20 efforts with G7 initiatives and other global actors like the FAO and WFP, while outlining South Africa's specific priorities for its 2024-2025 G20 presidency, including inclusive market participation and climate resilience.

South Africa's 2025 G20 presidency focuses on four key priorities: disaster resilience, debt sustainability for low-income countries, financing just energy transitions, and critical minerals for sustainable development. The presidency aims to elevate 'country platforms' like South Africa's Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) and bring African climate finance concerns to the forefront. The Sustainable Finance Working Group (SFWG) for 2025 is tasked with strengthening the global sustainable finance architecture, scaling up adaptation and just transition finance, and unlocking carbon market potential. The report highlights opportunities for South Africa to enhance follow-up mechanisms for G20 commitments, engage African Union (AU) structures, and coordinate with Brazil ahead of COP30. However, the report notes diplomatic challenges regarding the US presidency's approach to climate multilateralism and the Paris Agreement.

The Production Gap Report 2025 finds that governments are planning more fossil fuel production than in 2023, with projected 2030 levels exceeding 1.5°C-consistent pathways by over 120%. While some countries are advancing clean energy transitions, 17 of 20 profiled major producers still plan to increase the production of at least one fossil fuel by 2030, undermining global climate commitments.

The document describes the Paris Agreement's 'ambition cycle' as a four-stage iterative process: formulation of long-term strategies (LTS) and Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), implementation, monitoring via Biennial Transparency Reports (BTRs), and collective evaluation through the Global Stocktake (GST). It emphasizes the need for alignment between short-term NDCs and long-term net-zero goals, while warning against over-reliance on carbon markets and carbon capture technologies. The guide provides a national implementation roadmap and case studies from Costa Rica, the United Kingdom, Colombia, and Panama to illustrate best practices in climate governance and transparency.

The document details the legal actions taken by a coalition of civil society organizations, including Trend Asia, WALHI, and Greenpeace Indonesia, against the Indonesian government's National Electricity General Plan (RUKN) and the Electricity Supply Business Plan (RUPTL). It argues that these plans ignore the escalating climate crisis—exemplified by Cyclone Senyar—and instead lock the country into fossil fuel dependency through the extension of coal-fired power plants (PLTU) and the use of biomass co-firing, which the authors claim drives deforestation. The coalition alleges that these policies violate multiple national laws and international commitments, such as the Paris Agreement, by failing to provide a clear coal phase-out roadmap and ignoring cheaper renewable energy alternatives.

Carbon Market Watch condemns FIFA's hosting decisions for the 2030 and 2034 World Cups, asserting that the events will cause severe environmental damage. The organization highlights the failure of the 2022 Qatar World Cup's carbon neutrality claims and warns that the 2030 tournament's multi-continental structure and Saudi Arabia's 2034 bid—which includes building 11 new stadiums—will lead to massive emissions from construction and air travel. The statement also links these decisions to the influence of polluting corporate sponsors like Aramco and raises concerns over migrant worker deaths in host nations.

The report tracks 170 public development banks (PDBs) holding USD 21.8 trillion in assets, finding that climate ambition is plateauing. Despite the need for a six-fold increase in global climate finance flows by 2030, fewer than half of the tracked institutions have pledged full alignment with the Paris Agreement, and the rate of new commitments is declining.

The EU and UK have withdrawn from the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT), but a 'sunset clause' in Article 47(3) may extend fossil fuel investment protections for up to 20 years, potentially until 2043. The author contends that the ECT is part of a systemic global issue involving over 2,800 bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and 450 treaties with investment provisions (TIPs) that facilitate investor-State dispute settlement (ISDS) claims against climate policies. Current reform efforts by UNCITRAL, UNCTAD, the WTO, and the OECD are described as fragmented or focused on procedural rather than substantive changes. The document proposes the use of 'inter se' agreements to neutralize sunset clauses and the creation of a legally binding multilateral or plurilateral agreement to immediately remove investment benefits for fossil fuels and align financial flows with Article 2.1(c) of the Paris Agreement.