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The IAI Directorate is working to bridge the gap between scientific research and policy-making in the Americas by establishing relationships with multilateral environmental agreements, enhancing the capacity of member countries, and diversifying its funding sources. Key efforts include collaborating with the IPCC and UNFCCC, developing a sub-regional network for megacities in Latin America, and implementing an open data policy. The Directorate is also seeking to increase the visibility of the IAI through communication strategies and the hosting of the Belmont Forum Secretariat.

The GCF report evaluates its initial Strategic Plan's progress through 2017, noting that while it has successfully scaled up investments, it must now shift focus toward project quality, country-driven programming, and results management. By the end of 2017, the GCF had a portfolio of 53 projects committing USD 2.64 billion. Key challenges include a partial uptake of country programming and the need for better alignment between project ideas and accredited entity work programmes. The report recommends elevating the focus on impact and delivery, strengthening strategic partnerships, and refining investment policies to better address market gaps and ensure a balance between mitigation and adaptation.

The report concludes that China's nuclear arsenal is significantly smaller and less capable than that of the United States, with a modernization program focused primarily on delivery vehicles rather than fissile material production or warhead design. It highlights that China's fissile material stocks and number of nuclear tests are far lower than US levels, limiting its potential warhead count to between 380 and 880. The author suggests that the US can further restrict China's nuclear growth through the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty (FMCT).

The author contends that European security requires a shift from simple integration to a multifaceted approach combining 'soft, hard, and smart power'. Key priorities include meeting the 2% GDP defense spending target through joint capabilities, securing external EU borders, supporting state-building in fragile neighboring countries, and investing in green technology and development in Sub-Saharan Africa to mitigate migration and instability caused by climate change.

The 2016 External Review concludes that the World Resources Institute (WRI) is making strong progress in implementing its 2014-2017 Strategic Plan, with 89 of 96 specific statements of intent rated as 'on track' or 'achieved'. The review highlights WRI's success as a global 'think and do' tank, particularly in its research excellence, the development of open-data platforms like Global Forest Watch and Aqueduct, and its influence on the Paris Agreement and Sustainable Development Goals. While WRI has successfully expanded its global footprint with offices in Brazil, China, India, and Indonesia, the review identifies challenges in securing unrestricted funding, strengthening internal communications, and fully integrating poverty and gender perspectives into programmatic design. It also notes the effectiveness of WRI's matrix management structure, though it suggests further investment in management training to reduce transaction costs and improve coordination.

The briefing identifies high costs, slow off-grid market growth, and uncoordinated planning as the primary barriers to electricity access in sub-Saharan Africa. It recommends that governments adopt integrated resource plans that combine utility-led energy efficiency, solar-hybrid systems, and private sector-driven off-grid programs to meet growing energy demands while mitigating future carbon emissions.

The report analyzes the volatility of the South China Sea, focusing on the legal battle between the Philippines and China at the Permanent Court of Arbitration. It explores the strategic rivalry between the US and China, the difficulties of joint resource development, and the potential for ecosystem-based governance. The EU maintains a position of 'principled neutrality,' advocating for UNCLOS and the rule of law to ensure regional stability and freedom of navigation.

The research paper examines how China's 'one road-two belts' strategy, the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), and increased UN peacekeeping commitments impact Africa. It highlights a shift toward regional development nodes on Africa's east coast and the Horn of Africa, while cautioning that Africa's strategic importance to Beijing is limited compared to China's immediate region and its interests in Asia and Europe.

WRI Climate Director Jennifer Morgan frames COP21 as a transformational moment to shift the world toward a sustainable economic model. While noting that over 160 countries have submitted climate action plans (INDCs) and major economies are increasing renewable energy supply, the document warns that current efforts are insufficient to meet the 2 degree C limit. It proposes three essential components for the Paris agreement: clear long-term and short-term signals to catalyze investment and decarbonization, a solidarity package providing finance and tools to developing countries, and a global system of transparency and accountability.

The paper analyzes South Africa's role as a development partner, emphasizing its comparative advantage in Africa due to geographic and political proximity. It contrasts South Africa's 'development partner' identity with traditional 'donor' models, noting that South African aid often includes non-traditional activities like military protection and student scholarships. The author argues that while South Africa lacks a cohesive strategy and transparency in its South-South Cooperation (SSC), the UN can act as a neutral broker to help operationalize SSC principles and integrate southern perspectives into global development architecture.

The author assesses South Africa's strategic position in the DRC, noting that while South Africa has a significant economic footprint and a constructive security role, it lacks a clear political vision. The paper recommends that South Africa dissuade President Kabila from seeking a third term, support the continued presence of MONUSCO to ensure credible elections, and implement domestic legislation to govern the conduct of its corporations abroad to maintain its credibility as a development actor.

The document analyzes South Africa's strategic positioning within FOCAC and BRICS, arguing that while FOCAC is a vital tool for continental development and Sino-African relations, it is unlikely to serve as a primary platform for global governance reform in the same way as BRICS. It suggests South Africa should instead focus FOCAC on practical continental issues such as infrastructure quality, natural resource management, and the role of the African Union Commission.

The policy brief proposes that South Africa shift its Latin American engagement from a Brazil-centric approach to a broader 'South Atlantic Zone' framework. This strategy aims to leverage shared developmental trajectories and maritime interests to bolster the 'blue economy' and regional security. The authors highlight the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZPCSA) as a key mechanism for collaboration, alongside maritime exercises like IBSAMAR and Atlasur. While trade between South Africa and Latin American South Atlantic countries remains low, the document identifies significant potential for growth in ocean economics, specifically through initiatives like Operation Phakisa, and cultural ties via the Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP).

The IAI Scientific Advisory Committee (SAC) evaluates the implementation of an interdisciplinary research model combining natural and social sciences to create policy-relevant solutions in the Americas. The report highlights the success of specific projects, such as meteorological data compilation for crop yield modelling and ecosystem service vulnerability assessments. However, the SAC identifies a critical lack of regional data infrastructure to serve decision-makers and the public. Key recommendations include integrating social scientists from the start of projects, establishing a regional data services framework, and improving capacity building through interdisciplinary workshops.

The research paper argues that South Africa can bridge the conceptual divide between its 'Latin American' and 'African' foreign policy by treating the South Atlantic Zone as a single entity. It highlights the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZPCSA) as a framework for security and economic collaboration. Key drivers for this engagement include the 'Operation Phakisa' blue economy initiative, the need to combat piracy in the Gulf of Guinea, and the exploitation of untapped oil and gas reserves. While trade between South Africa and Latin American partners like Brazil and Argentina remains low due to similar commodity exports, the document identifies significant growth potential and the role of South Africa as a strategic gateway between Latin America and Asia.

The author contends that for BRICS to be perceived as a force for positive global change rather than just a new set of dominant powers, it must move beyond narrow self-interest. The paper proposes an inclusive agenda centered on four key challenges: rising inequality, the finite nature of the Anthropocene age (climate change and sustainable development), the rise of identity-based radicalism, and the tension between state sovereignty and global public goods. The author suggests that by leading on these issues, BRICS can build collective soft power and a more legitimate global compact.

The document examines South Africa's role as Africa's representative in the G-20 and BRICS, arguing that its effectiveness is limited by domestic challenges and a competitive relationship with Nigeria. It traces the historical trajectory of South Africa-Nigeria relations from the anti-apartheid struggle to post-1999 democratic cooperation and subsequent diplomatic rifts. The author contends that a reinvigorated partnership between these two pivotal states is essential to avoid Africa's marginalisation in global economic governance and recommends evidence-based research and a shared developmental agenda to move beyond rivalry.

The policy brief examines Australia's struggle to balance its strategic alliance with the US and its economic reliance on China. It argues that regional forums in the Asia-Pacific are often ineffective due to competition between rival powers and differing operational preferences between Western and Asian states. The author suggests that the G-20 offers a more viable platform for middle powers like Australia to exert global influence and recommends a more independent strategic position to manage relations with rival powers.

The document examines the strategic realignment in the Eastern Mediterranean involving the Republic of Cyprus (RoC), Israel, and Turkey. It argues that while the RoC, Israel, and Greece have formed a new security bloc to balance Turkey's naval ambitions, a structural need to contain Iranian influence is driving a rapprochement between Israel and Turkey. This shift is further incentivized by commercial imperatives, as the discovery of Egypt's Zohr gas field makes Turkey a more viable export market for Israeli natural gas. The author contends that these twin dynamics—the Turkey-Israel rapprochement and the RoC-Israel-Greece security formation—provide a new balance of incentives and guarantees that could facilitate a resolution to the Cyprus conflict.

The document analyzes the emergence of the BRICS grouping as a non-hegemonic alternative to Western-dominated financial institutions, focusing on the creation of the New Development Bank (NDB) to address infrastructure deficits in the developing world. It details South Africa's strategic use of the NDB and its own development finance institutions, such as the Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA) and the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC), to promote regional integration and economic growth within the SADC region and across the African continent.