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Egypt is constructing a nuclear power plant at Al Dabaa through a partnership with Russia's ROSATOM, a project framed as a 'mega-project' to boost national prestige and ensure long-term energy self-sufficiency. While the government argues the plant is necessary for a growing population, critics suggest it is an expensive and redundant luxury given Egypt's current energy surplus and investments in renewables. The project is characterized by top-down governance, significant Russian financing via a $25 billion loan, and domestic disputes over land expropriation and environmental risks.

The policy brief examines the 'resource curse' in Africa, where mineral abundance often correlates with under-development due to weak institutional quality. It argues that the EU's Raw Materials Initiative (RMI) must better align with the African Mining Vision (AMV) to ensure mining catalyzes long-term development rather than remaining purely extractive. The author highlights the risks of 'Dutch Disease' and the prevalence of illicit financial flows (IFFs), noting that transparency alone is insufficient for accountability. The brief concludes that EU private sector actors and policymakers must move beyond corporate social responsibility to become 'systems shapers' who address political economy realities and reduce power asymmetries to achieve extractive justice.

The report argues that Kenya suffers from 'state capture,' where a political elite has repurposed state institutions—specifically the Presidency and the Treasury—for private profiteering and to fund electioneering. It contends that conventional anti-corruption efforts, including high-profile arrests and commissions of inquiry, are tactical 'stagecraft' that fail to address the deep roots of the problem. The document details three major cases of state capture: the Goldenberg, Anglo Leasing, and Eurobond scandals. It further analyzes how the electoral management body, the police, and the judiciary have been compromised to maintain this system. The report concludes that while democracy has been hollowed out, it still offers potential for rupture through economic crises or the emergence of powerful anti-corruption coalitions, and suggests that civil society should focus on archiving evidence for future prosecutions and pursuing international indictments.

The paper examines how 'softer' operational issues, rather than hard infrastructure, drive high transport costs in SADC, specifically focusing on standing time at the Beitbridge and Chirundu borders. It highlights that border delays account for up to 60% of uncompetitive logistics costs and identifies causes such as poor coordination, staffing shortages, and driver behaviour. The research also explores the tension between trade facilitation and the sustainability of local border economies, which rely heavily on informal trade—predominantly by women—and logistics services. It argues for a holistic approach to corridor development that integrates economic growth with customs modernisation.

The document analyzes the rapid expansion of Indonesia's coal sector, driven by political decentralization and intertwined interests between politicians and mining companies. It examines the resulting environmental and social legacies, recent government attempts to regulate the sector through licensing reforms and production caps, and the impact of global shifts toward renewable energy and divestment from coal.

The report analyzes the financial instability of electricity distribution companies (discoms) in Uttar Pradesh, where a significant revenue gap of INR 21,486 crores existed in FY16. It examines consumer attitudes toward tariff hikes, revealing that while most expect increases, there is strong opposition to them unless linked to service improvements. The report also evaluates the UDAY scheme, finding that while it has reduced interest costs through bond issuance, progress on key operational milestones like smart metering and feeder segregation has been limited. Recommendations include improving rural metering, implementing targeted compensation for vulnerable users, and enhancing communication strategies to build public support for cost-reflective tariffs.

This report investigates the barriers preventing the expansion of renewable energy in Indonesia, specifically wind and solar, despite national targets and falling global prices. Based on 26 interviews with diverse stakeholders, it examines why the country is struggling to meet its commitment to increase the renewable energy mix to 23 per cent by 2025.

The report identifies a 'political equilibrium' in Indonesia where the priorities of maintaining low electricity tariffs and low government subsidies outweigh the commitment to renewable energy targets. Key roadblocks include power purchase price caps (BPP) that make projects unviable, policy instability, and the dominant influence of the state-owned utility PLN and the coal industry. Experts interviewed for the study unanimously believe the 2025 target will be missed unless significant policy shifts occur.

The document examines the political economy of coal subsidies in Colombia, identifying various fiscal incentives and the strategies used by a coalition of government and industry actors to protect them. It highlights how the coal sector benefits from both sector-specific and general mining incentives, often framed as essential for national economic development or the funding of the peace process. The paper analyzes three specific cases: the Plan Vallejo, a special income tax deduction for fixed assets, and a royalties rebate, to illustrate how these subsidies are introduced, maintained, or eventually removed through political and legal processes.

The report argues that Haiti is characterized by a 'phantom state' where a small economic elite maintains power through symbiotic relationships with security forces and external actors, particularly from the United States. This structure has led to extreme inequality, the marginalization of the poor, and a chronic lack of public services in health, education, and energy. The analysis highlights a dramatic decline in voter turnout in recent elections, suggesting a crisis of political legitimacy for presidents Michel Martelly and Jovenel Moïse. It further details the environmental degradation caused by a heavy reliance on biomass energy, the vulnerability of the agricultural sector to climate shocks and trade liberalization, and the prevalence of organized crime, including child trafficking through private orphanages. The report also examines the role of international actors, noting that aid often bypasses the Haitian state, further weakening its capacity.

The document analyzes the 2017 closure of the Hazelwood Power Station in Victoria's Latrobe Valley, arguing that Australia's liberal market economy and majoritarian political institutions discourage long-term transition planning. It highlights how the closure was a commercial decision by Engie, which triggered reactive, large-scale assistance packages from both the Victorian and federal governments. The authors suggest that future 'just transitions' may require direct regulation of company obligations or the mobilization of institutional investors to pressure energy firms into adopting worker- and community-friendly closure policies.

The paper traces the growth of South Africa's national bureaucracy from 1994 to 2014, identifying a trajectory of sustained but uneven expansion. It argues that while early changes under President Mandela were driven by democratic transition and public demand, the Mbeki era focused on centralized coordination, and the Zuma era saw a punctuated increase in departments potentially driven by patronage and 'runaway state-building'. The author concludes that the state has become 'functionally splintered' rather than simply bloated, leading to redundancies and coordination failures.

The document analyzes the Mombasa-Nairobi Standard Gauge Railway (SGR), a US$3.8 billion project financed largely by China. It argues that most controversies surrounding the project—including corruption, land disputes, and labor tensions—stem from Kenya's neo-patrimonial political culture and governance failures rather than Chinese predatory behavior. While the SGR has provided local employment and skills training, the authors highlight concerns over its economic viability, the lack of transparent bidding, and the environmental impact on wildlife corridors in Tsavo National Park.

The document examines artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) in Tanzania as a critical but under-governed source of employment and income. It argues that while the sector provides a vital livelihood for approximately 1.5 million people, it is plagued by severe health and safety risks, specifically mercury poisoning and pit collapses, and environmental degradation such as deforestation. The author contends that current legislation, specifically the 2010 Mining Act, prioritizes large-scale mining (LSM) and creates bureaucratic and financial barriers that marginalize artisanal miners. To harness the sector's potential, the paper recommends lowering licensing costs, improving geological information access, and implementing context-sensitive technology rollouts, such as mercury-recycling retorts, through partnerships between the government, private sector, and international organizations.

Tanzania possesses estimated natural gas reserves of roughly 60 TCF, with the potential to generate up to $6 billion in annual revenue. While the country has established formal governance frameworks, including the Petroleum Act and the Tanzania Extractive Industries Transparency and Accountability Act, the paper argues that the actual impact on development depends on the political will to combat 'grand corruption' and the ability of civil society to hold the ruling coalition accountable. The author warns that windfall rents could incentivize elite predation and weaken the state's incentive to maintain a broad tax base, potentially destabilizing the political equilibrium.

The report describes a 'silent coup' in South Africa where a power elite centered around President Jacob Zuma and the Gupta family established a symbiotic relationship between the constitutional state and a 'shadow state'. This network repurposed state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and government departments to redirect public rents into private hands. The authors argue that the rhetoric of 'radical economic transformation' (RET) was used as a smokescreen for this systemic looting. Key mechanisms of capture included the manipulation of SOE boards, the ballooning of the public service to ensure political loyalty, and the subversion of security and intelligence agencies to protect the network and neutralize opposition. The report highlights specific cases of corruption at Transnet, Eskom, and Denel, and warns that the proposed Russian nuclear deal is a primary vehicle for massive future rent extraction.

The document analyzes the persistent land-use conflicts between farmers and pastoralists in Tanzania, specifically focusing on the Pawaga division. It identifies historical evictions, 'green grabbing' for conservation, large-scale agricultural investments like SAGCOT, and a biased legal framework as primary drivers of hostility. The author argues that Tanzania's formal land dispute machinery is inadequate and often politicized, failing to protect pastoralist rights. As an alternative, the paper highlights a successful pilot project by the Tanzania Natural Resource Forum (TNRF) that established a coalition of farmers and pastoralists in Pawaga to resolve disputes through dialogue and joint bylaws.

The document examines the tension between energy security and green growth in fossil-fuel-endowed middle-income countries, noting that domestic fossil resource reliance often overrides climate ambitions.

The document analyzes the political economy of coal extraction in Colombia, noting that while production grew from 38 Mt in 2000 to 88.6 Mt in 2015, the sector now faces declining global demand and increasing domestic resistance. It details how opponents—including indigenous groups and municipal governments—have shifted from protests to using judicial mechanisms like the 'acción de tutela' and popular consultations to challenge mining titles. In response, the Colombian government and companies (such as Cerrejón and Drummond) have adopted new narratives, linking extraction to peace-building, increasing corporate social responsibility investments, and forming unified business associations like the Asociación Colombiana de Minería. The brief concludes that the sector's historically weak governance has become a liability, and a transition away from coal will require separating the mining sector from oil and gas in public discourse and developing alternative socio-economic pathways.

The document analyzes the precarious state of Colombia's coal industry, which faces declining global demand, falling prices, and increasing domestic resistance. It details how the industry has shifted from a 'development locomotive' narrative to one linking extraction to the financing of peace processes. The paper highlights a significant shift in opposition strategies, moving from protests to institutional channels like 'acciones de tutela' and local consultations, which have empowered the Constitutional Court to challenge mining governance. In response, coal companies have increased spending on public relations, formed the Asociación Colombiana de Minería (ACM) to strengthen lobbying, and accused the judiciary of 'judicial activism'. The authors argue that a successful energy transition requires separating coal from other minerals and hydrocarbons in public discourse and developing alternative development models for affected regions.