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The document warns that the European Central Bank's potential interest rate hikes, prompted by inflation from the war against Iran, could disproportionately hinder renewable energy deployment compared to fossil fuels. It argues that reducing fossil fuel dependence is essential for long-term price stability and proposes the use of 'green' targeted longer term refinancing operations (TLTRO) to support the energy transition.

The author contends that military spending alone cannot ensure European security and that current fiscal rules unfairly prioritize defense over climate and social investments. The text argues that ecological investments provide higher economic multipliers than military spending and warns that diverting resources to armaments drains capacity from renewable energy and electric vehicles. It proposes a new economic model involving a revision of fiscal rules, the issuance of new common debt, and the implementation of a minimum tax on the wealthy to fund long-term resilience.

The policy brief asserts that energy tax credits are critical for commercializing diverse energy technologies to meet rising demand from AI and data centers, while lowering costs for households and strengthening local economies. It highlights specific credits—including 45Y, 48E, 45Q, 45V, and 45X—as vital for the development of baseload power (advanced nuclear, geothermal, fusion), carbon capture, hydrogen, and critical mineral manufacturing. The author warns that repealing these credits or shortening their eligibility would increase energy prices, threaten jobs, and undermine U.S. leadership in global markets, particularly against competitors like China. Additionally, the brief emphasizes that mechanisms like direct pay and transferability are necessary for tax-exempt entities and high-cost projects, such as advanced nuclear, to monetize these incentives.

The author contends that prioritizing military spending over green and social investments risks exacerbating Europe's vulnerabilities to climate change and social fragmentation. The text calls for a revision of EU fiscal rules to allow borrowing for high-multiplier public investments and suggests new revenue streams, such as taxes on centimillionaires, to fund these needs.

The author contends that following the U.S. lead in abandoning the Paris climate accord would be 'economically perilous' for countries like Indonesia. He highlights the continued global acceleration of electric vehicle and solar energy growth, and cites specific policy actions in Japan and South Korea as examples of proactive decarbonization. The text argues that U.S. clean energy deployment is driven by economic sense and private sector investment, which will persist regardless of federal government policy.

The author contends that current EU climate policies, including the European Green Deal, lack a sufficient social dimension and risk becoming regressive by disproportionately impacting low-income households. The proposed solution is 'universal basic services' (USB)—a needs-based approach that provides essential services like public transport, housing, and childcare as public goods. This strategy aims to decouple social security from the labor market and reduce carbon intensity by shifting from individual consumption to collective provision. The document calls for the EU to abandon restrictive fiscal rules, increase public investment, and implement wealth taxes to fund this transition, arguing that public support for climate action depends on the perceived fairness of the transition.

The author contends that current EU climate policies, such as the European Green Deal, are too reliant on market mechanisms and regulation, which can be regressive and disproportionately affect low-income households. By shifting to a 'needs-based approach' through universal basic services—such as public transport, childcare, and sustainable housing—governments can reduce carbon intensity and alleviate poverty. The text argues that this transition requires rejecting restrictive fiscal rules, taxing excessive wealth and luxury consumption, and increasing public investment to ensure a socially just and ecologically sustainable transition.

Canada's current electricity grid is 84 per cent non-emitting, providing a competitive advantage for low-carbon industrial production. To maintain this lead and meet the G7 goal of a net zero grid by 2035, the federal government has introduced the Clean Electricity Regulations and investment tax credits covering 15 to 30 per cent of project costs. While some provinces like Alberta have resisted these measures, the document notes that wind and solar are already cheaper than natural gas in Alberta and Ontario. The transition is expected to reduce household energy costs through technologies like heat pumps and electric vehicles while insulating the economy from fossil fuel price volatility.

The author contends that while carbon pricing is a vital tool, Canada needs a broader strategic framework to address market failures—such as fossil fuel subsidies and high initial capital costs—and to respond to international competition like the US Inflation Reduction Act. The paper suggests combining carbon pricing with targeted public incentives, a clean investment taxonomy, and sector-specific growth strategies to attract private capital efficiently without excessive or scattered public spending.

The document examines the industrial and trade policy challenges Africa faces during the transition to a lower carbon economy. It emphasizes that for the transition to be 'just,' Africa must move beyond exporting primary products and importing green technology to becoming a manufacturer of value-added lower-carbon products. The author highlights the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a key mechanism for creating regional value chains for renewable energy components. The paper warns against premature trade liberalization and unilateral carbon-based import restrictions from developed nations, which it characterizes as 'green-washed protectionism.' It concludes that Africa should advocate for a Global Green New Deal that explicitly recognizes the right of developing countries to industrialize and receive real resource transfers for climate adaptation and mitigation.

The document examines the intersection of industrial and trade policy with the green transition in Africa. It argues that for the continent to avoid becoming a 'net loser' in the shift to a low-carbon economy, it must move toward higher value-added production of green technologies rather than remaining an exporter of primary products. The author highlights the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a key mechanism for establishing regional value chains for renewable energy products. The paper also emphasizes the need for 'policy space' to protect nascent industries, warning against premature trade liberalization and unilateral 'border adjustment taxes' from developed nations. Additionally, it stresses the urgency of 'climate proofing' infrastructure to create jobs and mitigate the inevitable extreme weather events predicted by the IPCC. Finally, the paper calls for African nations to advocate for a Global Green New Deal that respects the right of developing countries to industrialize and includes meaningful resource transfers.

Five years after the Paris Agreement, there has been a significant increase in net-zero commitments from major economies and businesses, though current pledges only limit temperature rise to 2.1ºC. The author argues that green recovery plans provide better economic and employment benefits than traditional stimulus and calls for mandatory climate-related financial disclosures and the removal of fossil fuel subsidies to unlock further private investment.

The UK's decision to increase its 2030 emissions reduction target to at least 68% compared to 1990 levels is framed as a positive signal for business investment and economic growth. The author asserts that a zero-carbon transition is the most effective way to drive job creation and GDP growth during the recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic, outperforming traditional stimulus measures. The text highlights the role of the Science Based Target initiative, with over 1,060 companies committing to Paris Agreement-aligned decarbonization plans, and calls for clear roadmaps incorporating finance and just transition principles to maximize competitiveness.

The authors contend that EU stimulus plans must prioritize a zero-carbon future to avoid exacerbating climate risks. They highlight broad business support for this transition, citing various corporate coalitions and analysis suggesting that green projects offer higher short-term returns and more job creation than traditional stimulus. The statement calls for the strengthening of the European Green Deal, specifically targeting a 2030 emissions reduction of at least 55%, and recommends targeted investments in green infrastructure, innovation, and workforce reskilling.

SEI scientists Peter Erickson and Michael Lazarus argue that limiting fossil fuel supply, specifically high-cost and high-emissions oil in California, is essential for solving the climate crisis. They contend that reducing production helps avoid stranded assets and that California's projected decrease in oil demand by 2030 allows for a production phase-down without increasing oil imports.

The World Resources Institute asserts that G20 nations, which represent 80 percent of global GDP and greenhouse gas emissions, should reject the notion that climate action hinders economic growth. The author urges G20 leaders to support the German G20 Action Plan on Climate and Energy Growth and emphasizes the critical role of emerging economies like China and India in leading the global clean energy market following the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement.

The B Team calls for a global net zero greenhouse gas emissions target by 2050 to be codified in the Paris climate agreement, arguing that such a clear market signal would drive investment in low-carbon infrastructure and renewable energy while mitigating catastrophic economic and environmental risks.

The authors contend that Germany's economic stability is tied to the Euro and that current rescue measures are insufficient. They propose a two-step approach: immediate ECB intervention and bank supervision, followed by the creation of a democratic financial, economic, and social union featuring common fiscal policies, Eurobonds, and a democratically legitimized EU Commission.

The author contends that while increasing Eskom's electricity tariffs may cause short-term inflation, failing to do so will lead to chronic power shortages and rolling black-outs that will be more inflationary and disproportionately harm the poor. The text suggests that the current crisis stems from unsustainably low electricity prices and a failure to invest in infrastructure. To mitigate the impact on vulnerable populations, the author proposes targeted protections such as price discrimination and free basic energy, while urging the government to invest in job-intensive renewable energy sources, potentially funded by international carbon credits.

The authors oppose a proposal by Colorado State Representative Carl Miller to increase coal use, arguing that coal plants are expensive, polluting, and slow to implement. They propose a transition toward energy efficiency, which could save up to 70% of current electricity use, and distributed energy resources including wind, solar, bio-fuels, and fuel cells. The text highlights the success of wind energy programs in Colorado, such as those by Holy Cross Energy and Public Service Company, as evidence of the viability of a free-market approach to clean energy.