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The briefing presents a business case for applying R-PACE financing to new residential construction to achieve net-zero energy (NZE) goals. It identifies key market barriers—such as high up-front costs and split incentives between builders and buyers—and proposes a policy framework to integrate R-PACE into new builds. RMI's analysis across six U.S. states suggests that NZE homes can be delivered with no additional up-front cost to the buyer, providing annual energy savings that exceed the PACE assessment payments.

The report argues that traditional utility and project finance models are inefficient for renewable energy because they do not align with the specific risk-reward profiles of wind and solar assets. It proposes the Clean Energy Investment Trust (CEIT), a liquid, exchange-traded vehicle targeting liability-hedging investors (such as pension funds and insurance companies) by offering investment-grade, bond-like returns. To achieve this, the CEIT unbundles project cashflows into four streams: construction finance, predictable contracted cashflows (the CEIT core), volatile 'surplus' cashflows, and 'tail' cashflows occurring after the fixed-price regime expires. By using risk-mitigation tools—including diversification of 5-10 assets, conservative P75-P95 production estimates, and long-term O&M contracts—the model claims it can reduce the cost of wind-generated electricity by 15-17%.

The Republic of Maldives, supported by UN Environment, is requesting USD 300,000 from the Green Climate Fund (GCF) for a 12-month readiness program (April 2017 to March 2018). The proposal focuses on strengthening the National Designated Authority (NDA), creating a Five Year National Strategic Framework to mobilize international climate finance, and developing a first draft of a Country Programme. Key activities include broad-based stakeholder consultations, the development of at least three project concept notes aligned with the Maldives Climate Change Policy Framework and NDC, and the creation of a monitoring platform on the Ministry of Environment and Energy (MEE) webpage. The project aims to leverage existing initiatives, such as the BML Green Fund and UN Environment's work on energy efficiency in housing, to enhance the country's ability to access and manage climate finance.

The report estimates global fossil fuel subsidies at USD 425 billion and argues that removing consumer subsidies could reduce global carbon emissions by 6 to 8 per cent by 2050. It introduces the "SWAP" framework to transition these funds into sustainable energy and social safety nets, providing specific outlines for Bangladesh, Indonesia, Morocco, and Zambia.

The author contends that climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier' that exacerbates global instability, migration, and conflict, yet remains absent from public debate. The text proposes that the EU shift toward a 'geographic climate security policy'—modeled on UNEP's analysis of the Sahel—which assesses how climate factors intersect with political and security risks in specific territories. To implement this, the Greens suggest creating an EU Special Representative on Climate Security, mainstreaming climate security across all external policy funds, and reducing European dependency on fossil fuel imports from autocratic states to limit their ability to finance aggression.

The document argues that the relationship between the South African government and the mining industry is characterized by mutual suspicion, leading to economic costs such as underinvestment and lost productivity. It proposes a long-term, co-funded secondment programme where public servants work within mining companies for 9 to 18 months to deepen mutual understanding and technical expertise. While acknowledging risks like potential corruption or brain drain to the private sector, the author asserts that rigorous design and a 5 to 10 year implementation horizon can mitigate these issues and serve as a model for the rest of Africa.

The report argues that interoperable transit data is essential for the realization of 'mobility as a service' (MaaS), which allows users to seamlessly combine various transportation modes. It identifies significant barriers to this goal, including poor data quality, a lack of standardization for ride-hailing and car-sharing, and misaligned incentives. The authors estimate that achieving full data interoperability could boost ridership of alternative transportation by 5% to 10%, representing a market opportunity of $3 billion to $6 billion in the U.S. To address these challenges, the report proposes the formation of a cross-industry consortium to establish and maintain data standards and innovate in user-interface design and payment technology.

The Union of Concerned Scientists proposes that Maine establish a green bank to catalyze private-sector investment in clean energy. An analysis suggests that an initial public capitalization of $14 million could leverage $300 million in total investment over 15 years. This initiative would support 70 MW of new solar and wind capacity, save homes and businesses $33 million annually on electricity bills through efficiency, and reduce carbon dioxide emissions by nearly 176,000 tons by 2031. The document identifies Efficiency Maine, the Finance Authority of Maine, and the Maine Technology Institute as potential hosts for the bank and outlines financial tools such as credit enhancements, warehousing, and direct lending to drive market transformation.

The Union of Concerned Scientists proposes that New Hampshire establish a clean energy finance authority to leverage public funds for private investment. An analysis suggests that an initial $14 million capitalization could drive $300 million in total investment over 15 years, resulting in 70 MW of new solar and wind capacity, $40.3 million in annual electricity bill savings, and a reduction of 222,900 tons of carbon dioxide emissions by 2031.

The authors propose that city-scale greenhouse gas accounting should shift its focus from national-scale principles of completeness and accuracy toward 'relevance' to better align with the governance structures of city governments. They suggest creating a 'core' category of emissions—such as CO2 from buildings and passenger transport and CH4 from waste management—to help mayors more effectively implement the emission reduction pledges made during COP21.

The author proposes a two-stage 'Foundational Assembly' to move beyond market-led integration and national interests. This process would involve local citizens' assemblies followed by a European Citizens' Assembly to define common values, governance, and Europe's global role, eventually leading to a simultaneous referendum across Member States.

The author proposes an 'Instituting Assembly' to move beyond the market-driven unification of Europe and the limitations of traditional representative democracy. This process would use deliberative democracy and random selection to engage citizens in defining European values, governance, and economic models. The proposed two-stage process begins with local assemblies in cities and regions to bypass national interests, followed by a European-level assembly of 1,000 delegates. The goal is to establish a genuine community of destiny capable of addressing global challenges, such as climate change, before potentially submitting a consensus-based project to a pan-European referendum.

This report by Friends of the Earth International and Environmental Rights Action/Friends of the Earth Nigeria examines the failure of the Nigerian judicial system to hold transnational oil corporations, specifically Shell, accountable for environmental degradation and human rights violations in the Niger Delta. The authors argue that systemic barriers in national courts—including high costs, strict standing requirements, and corporate stalling tactics—necessitate the establishment of a World Environmental Court with international jurisdiction to ensure environmental justice.

The Global Campaign advocates for a legally binding UN treaty to hold transnational corporations (TNCs) accountable for human rights violations. The proposals include establishing an International Tribunal on Transnational Corporations and Human Rights, enforcing extraterritorial obligations on home states, extending liability across TNC supply chains, and reforming the international trade and investment regime by ending the Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism. The document also calls for the accountability of International Financial Institutions (IFIs) like the IMF and World Bank and the recognition of the rights of affected people to access justice without financial barriers.

The document argues for a legally binding international treaty to end the impunity of transnational corporations (TNCs) regarding human rights violations. It proposes the creation of an International Tribunal on Transnational Corporations and Human Rights to counter the 'architecture of impunity' created by private arbitration systems like ICSID. The proposals emphasize the extraterritorial obligations of home states, joint and several liability across corporate value chains, and the need to reform International Financial Institutions (IFIs) like the IMF and World Bank. It further advocates for the supremacy of human rights over investment treaties and the establishment of accessible, free legal remedies for affected communities.

The document argues for a legally binding international treaty to end the impunity of transnational corporations (TNCs) and dismantle their systemic power. It proposes the creation of an international tribunal for TNCs and human rights, the establishment of joint and several liability across corporate value chains, and the reform of international financial institutions and trade regimes to prioritize human rights over investor profits. The text emphasizes the need for extraterritorial obligations for home states and the guarantee of free, collective, and swift legal recourse for affected communities.

The document establishes a framework of 14 conservation standards to prevent human rights abuses during site-based conservation interventions. It argues that while states are primary duty bearers, non-state actors—including NGOs and philanthropic foundations—have a 'responsibility to respect' human rights. The standards are divided into rights most likely to be directly infringed (such as self-determination, free, prior and informed consent, and land rights) and those indirectly infringed (such as education and non-discriminatory employment). The authors emphasize that these standards should serve as minimum requirements for all conservation activities to avoid forced evictions, cultural deterioration, and the marginalization of indigenous governance systems.

The policy brief argues for the immediate integration of Rural Credit and the Forest Code in Brazil to incentivize environmental preservation. It proposes that producers without environmental liabilities, or those in the process of regularization via the Environmental Regularization Program (PRA), should receive expanded credit limits. This approach is presented as a more effective alternative to the government's 2018 plan, which only required registration in the Rural Environmental Registry (CAR). The authors highlight that such a policy requires no additional Treasury funds and aligns with international models like the EU's Common Agricultural Policy.

The author calls for a shift from technocratic management to bold common European policies to combat the rise of right-wing populism and national sovereignty movements. Key proposals include a 'Green New Deal' to direct excess capital into ecological modernization, a coordinated fight against corporate tax dumping, and the strengthening of civil society and transparency to reduce the influence of corporate lobbies. The author specifically advocates for the rejection of trade agreements like TTIP, CETA, and TiSA, which are viewed as constraints on democratic governance.

This document is an official contribution from Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) to the second session of the UN open-ended intergovernmental working group (IGWG) in October 2016. It advocates for a legally binding international treaty to hold transnational corporations (TNCs) and their executives accountable for human rights violations and environmental crimes, proposing the creation of a World Court on TNCs and Human Rights and a Public Centre for control. FoEI argues that the treaty must prioritize human rights over trade and investment agreements, specifically calling for the restriction of Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms that undermine public health and environmental protections.