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The proposal outlines a 36-month project to address Tanzania's vulnerability to climate risks through three main outcomes: strengthening adaptation planning governance and institutional coordination, enhancing the evidence base for adaptation solutions, and developing a validated National Adaptation Plan (NAP). The project aims to overcome barriers such as limited vertical and horizontal coordination, a lack of comprehensive vulnerability data, and the absence of a dedicated adaptation financing strategy. Key activities include conducting vulnerability assessments across eight priority sectors, establishing a climate information portal, and developing three GCF concept notes for priority adaptation measures. The total requested budget is 2,986,412 USD, with implementation led by the UNDP in coordination with the Vice President's Office.

The document argues that development finance institutions (DFIs) cannot achieve full alignment with the Paris Agreement if they only focus on direct project financing, as substantial portions of their finance are channeled through financial intermediaries. It proposes a phased alignment strategy combining subproject-level criteria for mitigation and adaptation with institutional-level requirements for climate governance and transparency.

The Cook Islands is seeking USD 299,135 from the Green Climate Fund to ensure its post-COVID-19 economic recovery is green and resilient. The project focuses on enhancing two primary national planning documents: the National Sustainable Development Agenda (NSDA) and the Economic Development Strategy (EDS) 2030. By recruiting a National Consultant and support staff, the government aims to move beyond high-level climate references to specific, actionable green measures, including diversifying the economy and making the tourism industry more sustainable. The project will be implemented by the Ministry of Finance and Economic Management with oversight from the Climate Change Cook Islands office.

The Climate Friendly Materials Platform argues that the EU's proposed CBAM design needs refinements to create an effective investment framework for the green transition. They propose a combined package consisting of a climate contribution on basic material production and imports, free allowance allocations for firms with climate neutrality transition plans, and EU-scale carbon contracts for difference to cover incremental investment costs. The researchers contend that while free allowances are controversial, they can achieve both environmental and industrial policy objectives when integrated with the other two elements. They suggest the CBAM's transition period and use of default values provide a mechanism to incorporate these refinements until an international agreement on carbon pricing is reached.

The proposal argues that the European Green Deal requires an effective CBAM to prevent carbon leakage and ensure carbon price signals drive industrial investment. It suggests a three-pillar approach: a 'climate contribution' based on carbon intensity benchmarks to ensure carbon costs are reflected in material prices; the EU ETS with conditional free allowance allocation to incentivise carbon efficiency; and Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCfDs) to support investments in clean production and recycling. The authors contend that these elements must work together to avoid trade conflicts, limit administrative complexity, and provide the revenue necessary to fund the transition across all European industrial regions.

The report warns that the 11 largest banks in the eurozone hold over 530 billion euros in fossil fuel assets, which represent 95% of their total equity on average. This overexposure creates a significant risk of 'stranded assets' as the world transitions to meet Paris Agreement goals. The authors argue that current 'green finance' is largely a greenwashing tool and that voluntary bank commitments are insufficient. They propose a two-step solution: first, implementing strict regulations and reforming European Central Bank (ECB) monetary policy to stop new fossil fuel funding; second, establishing a public 'fossil bank' under the ECB to buy back and gradually phase out these risky assets to protect financial stability and enable the ecological transition.

The document argues that current US climate policy reinforces inequities and risks political instability by placing the costs of transition on energy customers and workers. It proposes five objectives: decreasing energy burdens through flexible tax credits, driving growth via a 'transition tax credit' for carbon productivity, expanding Department of Energy Loan Programs Office (LPO) financing to manage legacy fossil asset risks, increasing funding for the reclamation of fossil fuel sites, and prioritizing the retirement of assets causing the most health harm.

The paper argues that while DFIs have focused on aligning direct project financing, they must also address 'indirect' investments via financial intermediaries to meet global climate goals. It proposes a four-pillar framework—mitigation, adaptation, governance, and transparency—implemented in two phases over a maximum of five years. The framework suggests sector-specific exclusion lists, physical climate risk screenings, institutional climate governance, and TCFD-aligned reporting. It also recommends a risk-tailored approach to investment instruments, suggesting that general purpose loans and equity be restricted to FIs already meeting alignment criteria, while special purpose vehicles (SPVs) can be used for clients committed to the principle of alignment but lacking immediate capacity.

The report argues that the COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated debt vulnerabilities in low- and medium-income countries, potentially hindering climate action. It advocates for Debt for Climate (DFC) swaps, where external debt payments are redirected toward domestic climate projects in local currency, to reduce indebtedness and stimulate green investment.

The author contends that the Covid-19 crisis demonstrated that capitalism is not synonymous with the market. Drawing on the theories of Adam Smith and Karl Marx, the text proposes a post-capitalist economic model characterized by a stronger 'care economy', the elimination of the capital-labor divide through cooperatives, and the prioritization of local, circular markets over shareholder accumulation.

The document argues that Middle Income Countries (MICs) face a critical gap in debt relief mechanisms following the COVID-19 pandemic, as they are ineligible for the Debt Suspension Servicing Initiative (DSSI) despite high debt burdens that crowd out climate spending. It proposes Debt for Climate (DFC) swaps, where creditor nations forgive a portion of external debt in exchange for the debtor nation making local currency payments toward climate projects. The report outlines eligibility criteria for debtor nations—including a requirement of no imminent liquidity crisis and high bilateral external debt—and suggests three specific use cases: an Accelerated Coal Power Retirement Mechanism (ACPRM), an Accelerated Energy Efficiency Adoption Mechanism (AEEAM), and Nature-Based Solutions (NBS) for adaptation. It identifies specific priority countries for these mechanisms, such as Vietnam and the Philippines for coal retirement, and South Africa and Uzbekistan for energy efficiency, based on energy intensity and carbon dependency data.

The policy brief argues that South Africa's state deterioration is rooted in the politicisation of public administration, where political office-bearers use unchecked appointment and removal powers to install allies and sideline competent officials. To counter this, the author proposes a system of 'segregation of duties' where independent bodies, specifically the Public Service Commission (PSC), manage the process planning and short-listing stages to ensure technical merit, while political leaders retain the final appointment power. For municipalities, the brief suggests involving the PSC or professional associations in selection committees. Because patronage is central to current power structures, the document recommends a 'covering in' mechanism—a strategically incremental implementation via presidential proclamation—to transition departments and municipalities into the new system gradually.

The petition argues that PFAS, due to their toxicity, persistence, and bioaccumulation, cannot meet the legal standard of not presenting an 'unreasonable risk' required for PMN exemptions. It specifically targets the Byproducts, Low Volume (LVE), Low Release and Exposure (LoREX), and Polymer exemptions, asserting that these loopholes allow hazardous chemicals to enter the market without adequate safety review or public notification.

The authors argue that while the T20 has grown in diversity and productivity, it suffers from limited policy impact, a lack of continuity across presidencies, and an over-reliance on the production of policy briefs over substantive dialogue. To address these, they propose establishing a permanent steering committee based on a troika system, decoupling the T20 timeline from the G20 calendar to allow for earlier agenda-setting, and reducing the volume of policy briefs in favor of higher-quality, joint recommendations. The goal is to transform the T20 into a more continuous process that engages both current and incoming G20 presidencies and mid-level government officials.

The briefing argues that current nuclear risk reduction efforts lack an overall strategy to achieve the NPT's disarmament end state. It identifies a deteriorating risk landscape, highlighted by the UK's 2021 Integrated Review, and proposes a two-tiered strategy consisting of 'Preparative Steps' (such as adopting a Code of Responsible Nuclear Weapon Ownership and declaring a 'sole purpose' policy) and 'Formative Steps' (including bans on nuclear cruise missiles and non-strategic nuclear weapons). The authors emphasize that risk reduction is symbiotic with the 'conditions to enable nuclear disarmament' (CEND) project and advocate for a flexible approach to overcome hurdles like the NPT's 'principle of irreversibility'.

This briefing, prepared by the Executive Directorate of the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI), presents a proposed Gender Policy for IAI scientific projects and activities. The policy aims to ensure gender equality in research and capacity building, recognizing that gender is a social construct and not binary. It establishes five primary objectives to promote regional leadership in gender equality, integrate gender dimensions into science, eliminate selection biases, create inclusive research environments, and develop gender-focused training.

The author advocates for a transition from 'environmental protection' to 'ecologism,' which addresses the root causes of ecological destruction rather than just symptoms. The text proposes a global green vision characterized by a 'just transition' to post-growth economics, the localization of supply chains to reduce dependence on globalized capitalist models, and the democratization of global governance. It emphasizes a shift in security paradigms from state militarism to human security, focusing on poverty, health, and environmental degradation. The document calls for the reallocation of global military spending—approximately 1.7 trillion dollars annually—toward sustainable development and the adoption of a 'fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty' to complement the Paris Agreement.

The text advocates for a transition from capitalism to a post-capitalist market economy, drawing on the theories of Adam Smith and Karl Marx. It argues that the COVID-19 crisis demonstrated the necessity of state intervention and social solidarity, contrasting this with the failures of unregulated capitalism seen in the 2008 financial crisis. The author proposes a model based on three pillars: expanding the 'economy of care' and state regulation, establishing enterprises without capital-labor asymmetry (such as cooperatives), and implementing local markets using social currencies or service-based models to ensure ecological and social stability.

The document argues that the U.S. must address unstable biodefense funding and the tendency to cut budgets during crises. Drawing on the success of Operation Warp Speed, the authors propose a 10-year commitment of $10 billion annually to both the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) and the Department of Defense (DoD) to counter rising biological threats, including lab accidents and advances in synthetic biology.

The document examines the potential for "debt-for-climate" swaps as a mechanism to provide budgetary relief to developing countries while funding climate mitigation and adaptation. It argues that while these swaps are not a universal solution and must supplement general macroeconomic stabilisation, they offer mutual benefits for debtors and creditors. The authors propose a selection framework based on economic need, emissions potential, climate ambition, and governance capacity. Applying these criteria, the paper identifies several Small Island Developing States (SIDS)—including Dominica, Granada, Samoa, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, and Tonga—as well as Bhutan and Rwanda, as promising candidates for such initiatives. However, the authors note a trade-off: while these countries are highly suitable, their low emissions mean the global impact on emissions would be smaller compared to including larger emerging economies.