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The document examines the 'resource curse' in Africa, focusing on how corruption in the mining and oil sectors undermines human development. It contrasts 'state-centred' theories of corruption with 'corporate corruption' and 'state capture,' where companies illicitly influence policy. The author argues that transparency initiatives like the EITI are only partial solutions and that litigation is often hindered by political will and complex international contracts. The paper concludes that combating corruption must be balanced with broader goals of social justice and environmental protection to truly benefit African citizens.

Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) critiques the Government's planning reform White Paper, arguing that it prioritizes economic growth over environmental sustainability and democratic accountability. SGR advocates for the creation of a national spatial planning framework to replace sectoral policy statements and opposes the establishment of an Infrastructure Planning Commission (IPC) to determine applications, suggesting instead that decisions remain with elected local authorities or ministers. The response also highlights the need for increased resources for planners, a more robust approach to the housing crisis—specifically regarding affordable housing and 'buy to let' properties—and better financial incentives for micro-generation energy feed-in to the grid.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) argues that the MIT "Future of Coal" study relies on outdated data and ignores the commercial availability of carbon capture for IGCC plants. CATF contends that IGCC is a superior alternative to pulverized coal (PC) due to lower emissions of criteria pollutants and a significant cost advantage when 90% carbon capture is implemented. The document highlights that while PC carbon capture remains speculative, IGCC carbon capture is a "commercially proven process." CATF warns that following MIT's recommendation to build efficient PC plants today could lock in high global emissions, particularly in China, and instead advocates for banning new coal combustion plants in favor of rapidly commercializing advanced gasification and geologic storage.

The briefing analyzes the EC-Biotech dispute, where a WTO panel rejected the obligation to consider the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety because they were not ratified by all WTO Members. The author argues this narrow interpretation of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties creates 'clinical isolation' for WTO law and deviates from the Appellate Body's approach in US-Shrimp, which integrated sustainable development and MEAs into its analysis. The document emphasizes that the WTO's own Committee on Trade and Environment and the Doha Mandate support 'mutual supportiveness' between trade and environmental goals.

The report documents a pattern of environmental destruction, human rights abuses, and community resistance associated with Barrick Gold's operations across several continents. It highlights specific cases of water depletion, toxic pollution, and violent police repression of protesters, while critiquing the lack of binding legal frameworks in Canada to hold its mining corporations accountable abroad.

The document examines the systemic risks posed by unregulated private funding of political parties in South Africa, specifically focusing on how the ruling ANC and the opposition Democratic Alliance (DA) manage their finances. It argues that the absence of disclosure laws allows for 'influence-peddling' and 'crony capitalism,' particularly through the distortion of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) policies. The paper highlights several scandals, including 'Oilgate' and the 'arms deal,' and provides a detailed case study of Chancellor House as a corporate front used by the ANC to accumulate wealth in the minerals and energy sectors, often in partnership with foreign interests like Russia's Renova group.

Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) argues that the UK government failed to meet its 2003 promise of 'fullest public consultation' before deciding to support new nuclear power stations. SGR criticizes the 2006 Energy Review for using a minimum consultation period, using misleading questioning that implied an early policy stage, and failing to provide substantive views on critical nuclear power issues.

The Smoky Canyon Mine, operated by the J.R. Simplot Company in Southeastern Idaho, is a Superfund site that releases toxic selenium into the environment. Earthjustice and other organizations oppose the Forest Service and Bureau of Land Management's plan to expand the mine into two Roadless Areas, arguing that the existing contamination has not been cleaned up and that further discharges would cause irreversible toxic impacts to the Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem, including reproductive failure in fish and aquatic birds.

The document argues that the World Bank's energy investment framework is a continuation of 'more of the same', failing to transition from fossil fuels to renewables. It highlights a contradiction where the Bank acts as a major carbon trader while continuing to fund projects that emit massive amounts of greenhouse gases. The report criticizes the Bank's promotion of 'clean coal', nuclear energy, and large dams, asserting these technologies cause significant environmental and social harm. It calls for a redirection of public finance from the North to the South toward decentralized renewable energy and energy efficiency to meet the needs of the world's poor.

The research paper examines the Red Door initiative, an $18 million training programme in the Western Cape, South Africa, designed to support micro-entrepreneurs. It argues that the project prioritises political 'puffery' and input metrics—such as the number of visitors—over actual outcomes and sustainable job creation. Critics and managers suggest the current training is too rudimentary and lacks the mentorship and practical experience necessary to help entrepreneurs successfully win tenders or scale their businesses.

The letter argues that the Chair of the Council for Trade in Services (CTS) has manipulated the 'consensus' process by including contested elements in draft texts while requiring full consensus for their removal. The signatories express concern that numerical targets and plurilateral approaches in the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) negotiations will undermine the policy space and development objectives of developing countries and LDCs, while ignoring agreed-upon mechanisms like the emergency safeguard mechanism (ESM).

A group of civil society organizations wrote to WTO Director General Pascal Lamy to protest the 'anti-démocratique' method used by the Council for Trade in Services to draft a ministerial declaration. They argue that the Council President, Ambassador Fernando de Mateo, included proposals—such as numerical targets and plurilateral approaches—that were rejected by many developing countries and least-developed countries, while simultaneously requiring total consensus to remove them. The signatories warn that these measures threaten the development goals of developing nations and favor multinational corporations, calling for a transparent process that reflects the interests of all members, particularly within the Doha Development Agenda.

The document is an open letter from various civil society organizations to WTO Director General Pascal Lamy, criticizing the process used by the Council for Trade in Services (CTS) to draft the ministerial declaration. The authors argue that the current process allows the Chair to include non-consensual elements—such as numerical targets and plurilateral approaches—while excluding agreed-upon items like the emergency safeguard mechanism (ESM). They warn that forcing countries to open specific sectors through numerical indicators threatens the policy space and development goals of developing countries and Least Developed Countries (LDCs). The letter demands that the final draft presented in Hong Kong use brackets to clearly mark positions where no consensus exists.

The report examines the link between environmental degradation and rural poverty, asserting that neoliberal policies—such as trade liberalization, privatization, and industrial agriculture—exacerbate poverty by stripping communities of their natural resources. It provides global case studies where community-led initiatives in forestry, fisheries, and renewable energy have successfully improved livelihoods. The document advocates for the unconditional cancellation of external debt, the recognition of an 'ecological debt' owed by the North to the South, and the promotion of food sovereignty and environmental justice.

The author contends that the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) act as a 'political camouflage' that prioritizes alleviating the visible signs of poverty—such as hunger and disease—over addressing the structural causes of African underdevelopment. While acknowledging the MDGs' role in improving the global debate on aid effectiveness, the paper argues that focusing on gross enrolment in primary education and basic health outcomes ignores the need for technical skills, commercial infrastructure, and a competitive business environment. To counter this, the author proposes a comprehensive 'African Millennium Growth Plan' centered on eight pillars: strengthening commercial infrastructure, investing in rural economies, enhancing technical skills and research, increasing domestic lending and savings, raising domestic revenue, promoting the rule of law, removing bureaucratic obstacles, and fighting corruption.

A coalition of civil society organizations argues that the proposed appellate mechanism for CAFTA's investment chapter is flawed and could undermine public interest and democratic principles. They advocate for the retention of domestic court review, the creation of a standing appellate body rather than ad hoc tribunals, the inclusion of environmental law expertise among panelists, and the adoption of a de novo standard of review for legal conclusions. Additionally, they call for mechanisms to ensure developing countries can afford to participate in appellate proceedings.

The IISD argues that the investor-state arbitration system must transition from a private commercial model to a more judicial approach based on democratic principles of legitimacy, independence, and transparency. The document specifically advocates for the full publication of all awards, the opening of hearings to the public, and the establishment of a fully independent appellate mechanism. A central concern is the conflict of interest inherent in the current system, where practicing lawyers serve as arbitrators and the ICSID remains structurally dependent on the World Bank Group.

The author argues that Nepad has largely failed to deliver on its promises due to an over-reliance on donor persuasion and a lack of operational capacity to change national policies. While sectoral strategies and infrastructure projects are criticized as too general or unbankable, the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) is identified as the most innovative and potentially effective tool for driving reform. The paper recommends that the Nepad Secretariat transform from a conference convenor into a high-powered research organization to support the APRM.

The document argues that for the United States to comply with the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants (POPs), Congress must provide the EPA with clear statutory authority to eliminate listed chemicals without being constrained by de novo cost-benefit balancing or 'sound science' provisions that could be used to delay regulation. It emphasizes that the Convention's primary standard for Annex A chemicals is elimination, and that existing authority under TSCA § 6(a) is insufficient to ban industrial chemicals following the Corrosion Proof Fittings case. The author contends that the Executive Branch's decision to 'opt in' to new listings is a foreign affairs power, but this power is practically dependent on Congress providing the necessary implementing authority to the EPA.

The document describes the European Investment Bank (EIB) as a public bank that operates like a private one, providing long-term financing to support EU objectives. It details the EIB's governance structure, including the Board of Governors, the Board of Directors, and the Management Committee. The text argues that the EIB lacks sufficient oversight, transparency, and adherence to current EU environmental regulations, particularly in its projects outside the EU. It also highlights the EIB's reliance on private banking partnerships and its complex legal relationship with EU oversight bodies like OLAF and the European Court of Auditors.