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The document explains the WTO's Investment Facilitation for Development (IFD) Agreement, which aims to increase foreign direct investment (FDI) in developing countries and Least Developed Countries (LDCs). It outlines obligations for transparency, such as publishing investment measures and creating single-window portals, and the streamlining of administrative procedures to reduce bureaucracy. The agreement includes a 'firewall' to prevent its use in investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) claims and provides Special and Differential Treatment (S&DT) for developing nations through categorized implementation timelines (Categories A, B, and C). It also introduces non-binding provisions for sustainable investment, including corporate social responsibility and anti-corruption measures, and discusses the legal challenges of integrating the agreement as a plurilateral treaty within the WTO framework.

The document examines the application of the major questions doctrine in lower federal courts, arguing that the doctrine lacks a clear framework and is being applied inconsistently, often aligning with the political affiliations of the judges' appointing presidents.

The document critiques the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission's (FERC) current method of approving interstate natural gas pipelines based primarily on private precedent agreements rather than regional need. It argues that this approach leads to unnecessary infrastructure and higher costs, especially as electrification increases due to climate change. The authors contend that FERC has the legal authority under the Natural Gas Act to implement regional planning, similar to how it regulates electricity transmission, to ensure more efficient and just rates.

The document compares substantive, hybrid, and framework conventions, arguing that a substantive treaty with clear national obligations is necessary for the future plastics treaty to avoid delays in urgent action.

ClientEarth calls for a systemic legal and economic transformation of the EU to address climate, biodiversity, and pollution crises. Key proposals include appointing a Vice-President of the European Commission for People and the Environment, ending all public subsidies for fossil fuels, and adopting a legally binding framework for sustainable food systems. The document emphasizes the need for increased transparency in legislative processes, better access to justice for civil society in 21 of 27 member states, and the recognition of the right to a healthy environment.

ClientEarth proposes a series of legislative reforms for the UK to accelerate its transition to net zero by 2050 and protect biodiversity. Key recommendations include the introduction of an Environmental Rights Bill to comply with the Aarhus Convention, the implementation of mandatory corporate transition plans, and a ban on fossil fuel advertising and carbon offsetting. The document also calls for the UK to withdraw from the Energy Charter Treaty, accelerate fine particulate matter (PM2.5) pollution reduction targets to 2030, and ensure 30% of land and sea are effectively protected by 2030. Additionally, it urges the government to address the 'Dieselgate' scandal by supporting affected consumers and funding a clean-up fund.

Between 2018 and 2024, 341 land and environmental defenders were detained across 344 incidents in the Philippines, Indonesia, India, and Vietnam. The report details how legal systems are weaponised through trumped-up charges, anti-terrorism laws, and defamation statutes to protect corporate interests in agribusiness and mining. Key tactics include 'red-tagging' in the Philippines, the use of 'National Strategic Projects' in Indonesia, and the application of vague penal codes in Vietnam.

The Republic of Cyprus joined the EU on 1 May 2004 and the eurozone on 1 January 2008. Unlike other 2004 enlargement states, its primary motivations were national security and gaining leverage to resolve the Cyprus dispute rather than economic development. While the political goal of resolving the island's division remains unfulfilled, membership provided critical financial stability during the 2012-2013 sovereign debt crisis via the European Stability Mechanism. The authors argue that Cyprus's 'partial' model of integration, where the EU acquis is suspended in areas without government control, serves as a potential blueprint for future EU enlargements involving divided territories.

The report analyzes the relationship between the diversion of firearms—the transfer of weapons from legal to illicit realms—and illicit trafficking. It details various diversion typologies, including 'leakage' from state stocks, straw purchases, and the misuse of export documentation. Through 12 case studies spanning Europe, Africa, the Americas, and Asia, the document demonstrates how the UN Firearms Protocol's requirements for marking, record-keeping, and international judicial cooperation are critical for dismantling trafficking networks. It emphasizes that while diversion can occur domestically, it often serves as a prerequisite for cross-border trafficking, which requires a coordinated international criminal justice response to be effectively countered.

The document argues that the contested legal status of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and the ambiguous nature of the UN buffer zone create significant precarities for asylum-seekers. It criticizes the UNHCR's use of 'Person of Concern' certificates as an insufficient workaround for formal refugee status and accuses the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) of shirking responsibility for refugees in the buffer zone. The authors call for structural, principled solutions over case-by-case pragmatic workarounds to protect universal human rights in these contested territories.

The document contends that the Loss and Damage Fund (LDF) adopted at COP28 is insufficient because it treats climate reparations as voluntary donations rather than legal obligations. It argues that the fund's governance excludes frontline communities and indigenous peoples, lacks a human rights framework, and ignores the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities. The authors request that the Inter-American Court of Human Rights clarify that UNFCCC decisions do not limit state obligations to provide full reparation to climate victims.

The document argues that the protection of environmental defenders is critical for combating the climate crisis and that the Escazú Agreement provides the necessary legal framework to ensure access to information, public participation, and justice. It highlights the disproportionate risks faced by women and indigenous peoples, and warns that the energy transition must not replicate the extractive and colonial patterns of the fossil fuel industry.

ClientEarth advises a UK pension scheme's trustees to cease providing bond capital to energy companies unless they have credible net-zero transition plans and enforceable bond covenants. The letter asserts that climate change represents a material financial risk—including physical, transition, and litigation risks—that trustees must manage to meet their legal fiduciary duties and protect beneficiaries' interests.

ClientEarth asserts that banks providing financial services to fossil fuel expanders like Saudi Aramco are contributing to climate-related human rights impacts. The organization argues that such financing violates the UN Guiding Principles on Business & Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines, creating significant legal risks through emerging mandatory human rights due diligence laws and greenwashing litigation. ClientEarth proposes specific 'red-lines,' including an immediate end to financing new fossil fuel exploration and requiring clients to publish Paris-aligned transition plans by H1 2024.

Canada needs to add over 10 gigawatts of new zero-emission electricity annually until 2050 to reach net zero. The author argues that current inclusive permitting processes are too slow and complex. They propose a two-track system: one for major or unproven projects and a second, expedited track for proven technologies like wind, solar, and lithium-ion batteries. This fast-track process would rely on binding, objective 'yes/no' criteria focusing on local government support, avoidance of key ecological features, and the mitigation of uncompensated off-site impacts. The paper concludes that all five orders of government (federal, provincial, territorial, municipal, and Indigenous) have the legal authority to implement these reforms, and recommends that municipal and Indigenous governments lead the project decisions for fast-track approvals.

This briefing, submitted by Natural Justice and the Environmental Lawyers Collective for Africa (E.L.C.A), provides commentary on a zero draft study by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) regarding the impact of climate change on human and people's rights in Africa. The document evaluates the study's identification of vulnerable groups and rights, critiques its approach to corporate accountability and extractive industries, and offers recommendations to strengthen the protection of indigenous peoples, children, and the environment through legal and monitoring frameworks.

The document examines the precarious safety and security situation at the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant (ZNPP) following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, highlighting risks such as loss of offsite power and cooling water. It argues that while customary international law, the Geneva Conventions' Additional Protocols, and the Pelindaba Treaty provide a framework to prohibit attacks on nuclear installations, these norms are often sidelined by political considerations. The author concludes that rather than creating new conventions, the international community must strengthen the enforcement and accountability of existing legal frameworks to prevent nuclear disasters.

The document defends the European Commission's proposed Soil Monitoring Law (SML), asserting that EU-level action is necessary because approximately 60-70% of EU soils are unhealthy and national frameworks are insufficient. It argues that the proposal respects the principle of subsidiarity as the objectives cannot be achieved by Member States alone, and the principle of proportionality by using a Directive format that allows for national flexibility.

The report finds that while the EU and UK have made progress in aligning TACs with scientific advice since 2015, they missed the 2020 legal deadline to end overfishing. Analysis of 2023 TACs shows that 25% still exceed scientific advice. The report highlights a systemic lack of ambition for data-limited stocks (precautionary advice) and bycatch stocks compared to target stocks. It also criticises the lack of transparency in the TAC-setting process and the poor implementation of the landing obligation, which risks further overfishing. Key recommendations include setting TACs below scientific advice to account for ecosystem needs and climate change, and improving public access to the decision-making process.

The document analyzes the distinct paths toward statehood for Somaliland and the SADR, contrasting Somaliland's case of secession from Somalia with the SADR's struggle for self-determination against Moroccan occupation. It examines how the African Union's adherence to inviolable colonial borders, despite precedents like Eritrea and South Sudan, complicates these efforts. The authors argue that both territories seek to reclaim colonial-era boundaries rather than alter them, yet they face significant economic and political hurdles due to a lack of formal recognition.