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The author argues that while Central and Eastern Europe has a long tradition of informal mutual help and solidarity practices, these have historically functioned as 'bottom-up subsidies' to capital by absorbing the costs of social reproduction. The paper suggests that for a modern solidarity economy to be emancipative in this region, it must move beyond mere survival strategies and address the hierarchical, patriarchal, and extractive nature of existing informal networks.

The author advocates for a shift away from 'hyper-globalisation and ultra-liberalism' toward a trade system that prioritizes climate sustainability, data protection, and regional empowerment. Key concerns include the projected tripling of transport emissions by 2049 and the need for a multilateral alternative to current trade wars and protectionism.

The author contends that Viktor Orbán's government has systematically dismantled democratic institutions in Hungary, creating an 'authoritarian regime' that serves as a model for far-right movements in Europe. The text argues that previous EU responses were too timid, relying on 'soft law' and infringement procedures that failed to produce results. It advocates for the 'nuclear' option of Article 7—which can suspend voting rights—and specifically proposes linking EU funding in the Multiannual Financial Framework to the state of the rule of law to disrupt the financial incentives supporting the current regime.

The author contends that current EU efforts to combat disinformation are insufficient because they rely on member states that may be hostile to critical media. While the EU has introduced some protections for whistleblowers and small-scale grants for investigative projects, the document argues for a permanent funding facility for journalism and a re-evaluation of the subsidiarity principle to allow the EU to intervene more directly in member states where media freedom is under threat.

The author contends that existing trade agreements, such as the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), prioritize corporate interests over public regulation and environmental standards, contributing to the rise of right-wing populism. To address this, the document proposes a green trade strategy where agreements are only concluded with nations committed to the Paris Climate Agreement and the UN Sustainable Development Goals. This strategy advocates for the removal of investor-state-dispute-settlement (ISDS) mechanisms, the integration of enforceable social and ecological standards, and the application of the 'precautionary principle' to protect consumers. Additionally, the author argues that trade policy must be supported by regional industrial policies to manage structural economic changes and stricter competition laws to limit the market power of multinational corporations.

The text advocates for the EU to integrate climate change into its security and foreign policy framework, proposing a 'geographical/geopolitical' approach to climate security. It suggests that climate change acts as a risk multiplier for conflict, migration, and instability, particularly in regions like the Sahel. The author proposes several Green Party initiatives, including the creation of an EU Special Envoy for Climate Security, the reservation of international funds for climate mitigation in destabilized countries, and reducing dependence on fossil fuels from autocratic regimes to enhance global stability.

The author advocates for a 'sufficiency' paradigm to replace the pursuit of infinite economic growth, which is deemed incompatible with planetary boundaries. The text proposes a shift toward an economy where the Global North reduces its material and energy throughput to allow the global poor to meet their basic needs. Key policy mechanisms suggested include 'cap-and-rationing' systems for resources and carbon, a transition from labor-based to resource-based green taxation, and the implementation of maximum income ceilings to curb conspicuous consumption and speculation.

The report details a growing movement across Europe to replace the 'war on drugs' with policies based on harm reduction, public health, and human rights. It provides country-specific accounts from Belgium, the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain, and the UK, highlighting a tension between restrictive national laws and progressive proposals for decriminalisation, legalisation of cannabis, and the implementation of safe consumption rooms.

The author examines how digital tools disrupt the three pillars of labor regulation: professional, social, and managerial dialogue. The text describes a shift from hierarchical management to a network-based 'economy of reputation' where workers' value is determined by their digital rating and professional networks. It suggests that while large firms may maintain power through monopolies and intellectual property, the future of work lies in 'contributive companies' that prioritize professional support over control. The document also highlights the emergence of new forms of digital labor organization, such as the Freelancers Union in the US, to combat precariousness and individualism.

The author contends that the current Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) is outdated, focusing on industrial productivity and short-term gains while ignoring public health crises and environmental degradation. The text proposes a 'Common Food Policy' that integrates various sectors (health, education, trade), coordinates local and EU-level governance, shifts from 'productivism' to sustainability, adopts long-term strategic planning, and incorporates 'food democracy' by involving citizens to counter the influence of agribusiness lobbying.

The author examines the tension between maintaining the US-led 'nuclear sharing' system and pursuing European strategic autonomy. While some propose a Franco-German nuclear cooperation to replace the US umbrella, the author warns against European militarism and instead advocates for a diplomatic strategy of preventive denuclearization, drawing on the Rapacki Plan to reduce nuclear stockpiles in Europe and move toward a world without nuclear weapons.

The author argues that terrorism in Europe is primarily 'home grown' and driven by individuals who feel 'uprooted'. The text criticizes the 'war on terror' approach, stating that disproportionate repression breeds further terrorism and threatens democratic freedoms. It suggests that while intelligence and security measures are necessary to foil immediate plots, the long-term solution lies in mending the 'social fabric' and addressing global instabilities and Western geopolitical abuses that fuel extremist narratives.

The authors examine the struggle of Social Democratic, Green, and far-left parties in the EU, noting their failure to translate voter concerns about climate change and unemployment into electoral success. They argue that the material prosperity brought by globalisation has complicated traditional left-wing appeals, while a sense of 'declinism' has benefited right-wing populists. The document suggests that progressives should avoid narratives of societal decline and instead offer a hopeful vision of the future to regain political influence.

The document advocates for the European Union to lead the 'Mission 2020' initiative, which aims to bend the global emissions curve by 2020 to stay within the 2-degree Celsius limit of the Paris Agreement. It argues that the EU can use its existing institutional frameworks, specifically regional cohesion and structural funds, to support a just transition toward low-carbon economies. The text emphasizes a shift from centralized energy production to decentralized, community-based renewable energy systems to empower local actors and counteract populist movements. It cites historical industrial transitions in regions like the Ruhr Area as evidence that such structural changes can be managed. Additionally, it highlights the role of bottom-up movements, such as the Transition Town Movement and the fossil fuel divestment movement, in driving decarbonization.

The text examines the transition from the Keynesian-Fordist model of steady employment to a precarious landscape defined by 'Uberisation', digital platforms, and automation. It highlights the inadequacy of current labour laws based on employer-employee subordination and proposes a shift toward recognizing 'economic dependence' to protect hybrid workers. The author advocates for a new social model for a post-employment world, including basic income and reduced working time, to ensure social welfare is no longer solely dependent on waged labour.

The document examines the implications of the Bayer-Monsanto merger, asserting that it creates a global powerhouse in seeds and pesticides that undermines food security. It highlights the decline of crop diversity, the rise of corporate patenting of plant varieties, and the resulting imbalance of power between multinational agro-chemical firms and farmers, particularly within the European Union.

The Visegrad Four countries lack a coordinated policy on fake news, often treating it as an external security threat while ignoring misinformation spread by their own ruling elites. While the Czech Republic has a dedicated government body for hybrid threats and Poland participates in international counter-hybrid warfare centers, Slovakia relies more on civil society and commercial initiatives to filter dubious content. Hungary is noted for a lack of active government opposition to fake news, with the ruling party itself accused of spreading conspiracy theories. The document warns that this fragmented landscape increases vulnerability to pro-Kremlin influence and populist rhetoric, potentially impacting the 2019 EU parliamentary elections.

COP 23 served as a technical transition to establish the 'Paris Rulebook' for implementing the Paris Agreement. Key outcomes included the design of the Talanoa Dialogue for monitoring collective efforts, a breakthrough agreement to address agriculture and food security, and the adoption of a Gender Action Plan. However, the document notes a lack of substantial progress on long-term climate finance and 'loss and damage' funding, while highlighting a tension between official negotiations and civil society demands for climate justice and an end to the fossil fuel era.

The European automotive industry faces a 'perfect storm' of disruption driven by climate change, autonomous driving, and shared mobility. While Europe was the cradle of the car, it is now lagging behind competitors like Tesla and Chinese manufacturers in electric vehicle (EV) production and battery technology. The author criticizes EU policymakers for being too lax and suggests that the Greens are well-positioned to help steer the industry toward a sustainable and competitive future through pragmatic dialogue and ambitious regulation.

The author contends that official EU democratic reforms are perpetually deferred and insufficient, leaving citizens without political agency. To counter the 'technocratic tide' and intergovernmental governance, the text proposes 'hacking' the 2019 European elections by organizing parallel, unofficial elections for a European Constituent Assembly. This assembly, consisting of approximately 200 representatives and randomly selected citizens, would serve as a civic power to draft a 'wiki-constitution' and initiate a wider process of citizens' assemblies. The goal is to establish a bottom-up democratic infrastructure that forces institutional change and offers a genuine alternative to either submission to powerful Member States or the abandonment of European integration.