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This policy brief by the Johns Hopkins SAIS China-Africa Research Initiative (CARI) examines two distinct models of Chinese agricultural investment in Africa through case studies in Ghana and Nigeria. It contrasts a small-scale, private entrepreneurial model in Ghana with a large-scale, state-backed public-private partnership in Nigeria, analyzing their motivations, land acquisition challenges, and social impacts.

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This research paper examines the contribution of Chinese construction enterprises to local skill development in Ghana, comparing them with other foreign and local firms. Using 2016 survey data from 12 enterprises, the study finds that Chinese firms contribute positively to both short-term general and long-term specific training for local workers, often at higher rates than other foreign firms. However, structural challenges such as low technical education quality, low employee retention, and communication barriers hinder the effectiveness of skill transfer.

The document examines the rapid growth of Sino-African relations, noting that bilateral trade rose from $2 billion in 1999 to $39.7 billion in 2007. It highlights a shift from aid-driven engagement to commercial dominance, where trade and investment now outpace official development assistance. While the partnership offers opportunities for infrastructure development and poverty reduction, the paper identifies risks including unsustainable debt, the displacement of local industries by cheap Chinese imports, and a lack of transparency in lending. It recommends that African nations improve their business climates, diversify exports to move up the value chain, and implement transparency initiatives to maximize gains from the relationship.

The opening remarks highlight the growth of Sino-South African relations, noting that two-way trade reached US$9.86 billion in 2006 and citing the 2007 ICBC purchase of 20% of Standard Bank as the largest Chinese investment in Africa. The speaker argues that both nations can contribute to African prosperity and the welfare of developing countries in the South, including efforts for debt relief and the restructuring of the WTO and World Bank.

By the end of 2007, trade between China and African countries reached 68 billion USD, a 25% increase from 2006, supported by zero tariff treatment for 26 least developed countries. China's investment in Africa reached 20 billion USD by 2007, focusing on manufacture, resources, transportation, infrastructure, and agriculture. Since 1956, China has provided aid to 53 African countries, completing over 800 projects, including 137 in agriculture and 133 in infrastructure. Between 1983 and 2007, 20,688 African nationals attended Chinese government training courses. The document also notes joint actions with South Africa to promote development via personnel training for ASGISA and JIPSA, the textile industry, infrastructure construction, and NEPAD development corridors.

The document examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a voluntary governance assessment tool launched by the African Union in 2002 under the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). It details the five-stage review process—ranging from national self-assessment to peer pressure from heads of state—and analyzes the varying degrees of civil society involvement in early adopters like Ghana, Rwanda, Mauritius, and Kenya. The authors argue that the efficacy of the APRM depends on the transparency of final reports and the willingness of African leadership to implement national action plans.

The document analyzes Senegal's macroeconomic trajectory from the 1970s through the COVID-19 pandemic. It highlights how the pandemic caused a significant drop in GDP growth in 2020, severely impacting sectors such as tourism, transport, and agriculture. To counter this, the Senegalese government and the Central Bank of West African States (BCEAO) deployed a combination of stimulus packages, tax rebates, and liquidity measures. These interventions are credited with achieving a 1.3% real GDP growth in 2020, outperforming initial IMF forecasts of -0.4%. The paper also discusses the role of foreign direct investment, the potential of future oil and gas production, and the long-term goals of the Emerging Senegal Plan.

The document analyzes Benin's macroeconomic response to COVID-19, noting that while stringent health measures and high citizen compliance kept infection rates low, the economy suffered a GDP growth decline from 6.5% in 2019 to 4.8% in 2020. The government and BCEAO deployed expansionary monetary policies to increase liquidity and fiscal measures including cash transfers and subsidies. While these actions supported the agricultural sector and prevented food price inflation, the overall expansion of the money supply contributed to higher consumer prices, potentially increasing poverty risks for vulnerable households.

The report examines how Benin, Senegal, Tanzania, Uganda, Nigeria, and South Africa responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. It finds that wealthier, more open economies like South Africa and Senegal were most vulnerable to shocks, while countries like Tanzania and Benin experienced marginal growth deceleration due to minimal or delayed government reactions. Fiscal capacity varied significantly: South Africa and Senegal implemented the most substantive stimulus packages, whereas Nigeria was constrained by a volatile tax base. Most countries focused on industry support and tax relief, though South Africa uniquely allocated 60% of its package to social security. The document highlights a looming 'debt repayment wall' peaking in 2024 and argues for a transition toward green infrastructure, diversified revenue bases, and a common African negotiating position to secure concessional finance and Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) from higher-income nations.

The document examines Tanzania's macroeconomic responses to the COVID-19 pandemic, noting that a 'business-as-usual' approach without lockdowns, combined with expansionary monetary and fiscal policies, helped the country avert a recession in 2020. It details specific Bank of Tanzania (BoT) interventions to maintain liquidity and recommends further macroprudential policies, increased healthcare financing, and the implementation of climate-resilient economic strategies.

The document examines the intersection of Tanzania's COVID-19 recovery strategy and its climate commitments under the NDC. It argues that the pandemic's recovery phase provides a strategic opportunity to implement 'green recovery' by leveraging investment complementarities across sectors such as agriculture, health, tourism, and water. The paper highlights a significant financing gap, noting that 96% of NDC funding is expected from development partners, and advocates for innovative climate financing and public-private partnerships to de-risk investments, particularly for smallholder farmers.

The authors contend that the COVID-19 crisis has revealed a "crisis of confidence" in global institutions, specifically the World Health Organization (WHO), which has been hampered by member state limitations and political polarization. The text highlights the United States' decision to withdraw financial support from the WHO as a sign of retreating from a rules-based global system. To address these gaps, the paper recommends a total overhaul of global governance principles, increased fixed financial contributions to the WHO, the removal of trade barriers for medical equipment, and a redefinition of international peace and security to include global health threats within the UN Security Council's remit. It emphasizes that effective responses require farsighted leadership from the UN, G7, G20, and development finance institutions to ensure scientific collaboration and the provision of affordable medical supplies.

The document reports on a November 2008 conference regarding regional integration in southern Africa. It argues that while EPAs have contributed to the fragmentation of regional economic bodies, they have also forced a necessary debate on the inefficiency of overlapping memberships in regional economic communities (RECs). The report notes a shift in preference away from linear integration models (like customs unions) toward simpler free trade agreements (FTAs) and infrastructure development. It specifically examines the roles of SADC, COMESA, and the EAC, as well as the Tripartite Alliance and the Southern African Customs Union (SACU).

The document examines Australia's transition from a 'fixed price country' characterized by high protectionism and structural rigidities to a competitive, liberalized economy. It highlights the critical role of independent institutions like the Tariff Board in publicizing the costs of protection, the political leadership of the Hawke and Keating governments in implementing gradual tariff reductions, and the necessity of structural adjustment packages to maintain social cohesion. The author argues that the combination of economic crisis, transparent data, and political courage enabled Australia to dismantle its protectionist 'Australian Settlement Compact' and integrate into the global economy.

The document examines Brazil's trade policy from the post-WWII import-substitution era to the mid-2000s. While Brazil achieved significant trade surpluses and productivity gains following liberalization in the 1990s, the author argues that these successes are largely due to global economic conditions rather than current government strategy. The paper highlights the 'Brazil Cost'—a combination of bureaucracy, infrastructure deficits, and high taxes—as a primary barrier to competitiveness. It further critiques the current administration's tendency to prioritize geopolitical goals over commercial interests in trade negotiations and calls for a more strategic, transparent, and institutionally coordinated approach to trade reform.

The document details India's shift from a restrictive, state-led 'socialistic pattern of society' to a liberalized trade regime initiated by a 1991 balance of payments crisis. It examines the reduction of tariffs, the removal of import licensing, and the opening of services sectors like IT, banking, and telecommunications to foreign investment. The author analyzes the resulting growth in GDP and total factor productivity, while noting persistent challenges in the agricultural sector and a widening trade deficit.

The document analyzes New Zealand's transition from a highly regulated economy to one of the most open in the world starting in 1984. It details the rapid withdrawal of agricultural subsidies, the reduction of import tariffs to minimize 'cost excess' for exporters, and the broader structural reforms including privatization and labor market changes. The author assesses the consequences for various agricultural sectors—noting the success of dairy and kiwifruit versus the struggles of sheep meat—and discusses the role of the Australia New Zealand Closer Economic Relations Trade Agreement (ANZCERTA) in facilitating this transition.

The document outlines a workshop discussion on the barriers to trade in energy services in SACU, highlighting the absence of services in the SACU agreement and the tension between achieving universal electricity access and maintaining tariffs attractive to Independent Power Producers (IPPs). It emphasizes the need for an integrated regional resource plan, technical transfer, and a shift away from coal and oil toward renewable energy, noting that a lack of political will and a preference for external bilateral cooperation currently hinder regional integration.

The workshop report examines the challenges of regional integration in Southern Africa, noting that the linear European model of integration may not suit African contexts. Key obstacles identified include overlapping memberships in regional economic communities (RECs), the dominance of larger economies like South Africa, Egypt, and Kenya, and a heavy reliance on external donor funding. The report highlights the potential of the Tripartite FTA to resolve fragmentation and calls for a cost-benefit analysis of integration to align regional priorities with national interests.