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The author contends that malaria control in Africa is hindered by donor agencies and UN bodies that prioritize ineffective measures, such as insecticide-treated nets, over proven methods like Indoor Residual Spraying (IRS) using DDT. The text highlights the success of 'vertical' health programs in Southern African countries and criticizes the influence of the environmental movement and decentralized health systems on public health outcomes. It calls for a science-based approach that integrates IRS and Artemisinin-based combination therapy (ACT) to reduce malaria mortality and morbidity.

The document reports on a growing crisis of credibility for the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), highlighting a significant gap between its visionary rhetoric and the actual implementation of projects. While some officials point to broader African progress and increased aid, critics, including the President of Senegal, argue that the NEPAD Secretariat has failed to deliver concrete results. Data from the African Development Bank reveals that a minority of infrastructure projects under the Short Term Action Plan (STAP) are being implemented. The text identifies several barriers to success, including a lack of regional capacity, failure to conduct feasibility studies, donor skepticism regarding unrealistic funding requests, and internal issues such as corruption and mismanagement.

The paper examines how the rapid increase in global HIV/AIDS funding creates opportunities for graft and misappropriation, particularly in low-income regions. It highlights cases of fraud in South Africa and Kenya, while discussing the tension between the need for strict financial controls and the limited administrative capacity of grassroots organisations. The author suggests that intermediary organisations may provide a viable model for ensuring accountability while supporting small-scale community responses.

The document examines the precarious state of opposition politics in Africa, using the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in Zimbabwe as a primary example of the 'lose-lose scenario' faced by opposition parties. It argues that while many African nations have nominally transitioned to democracy, ruling parties often undermine fair elections through biased laws, violence, and media bans. Additionally, the text highlights internal failures within opposition groups, such as frequent splintering and a lack of strategic maturity, which hinder their ability to challenge dominant party systems.

The paper examines how South Africa's failure to deliver basic services, such as sanitation in the Free State province, persists despite available funding. It highlights a critical gap between national policy goals and local implementation, driven by widespread municipal corruption, a lack of skilled personnel in project management and engineering, and the inability of local governments to utilize infrastructure grants. The author uses this situation to critique the Commission for Africa's proposal for increased aid, suggesting that without a realistic assessment of implementation capacity, additional funds will not effectively reduce poverty.

The research paper warns that Côte d'Ivoire remains in a state of 'permanent crisis' characterized by a military stalemate between President Laurent Gbagbo's government and the Forces Nouvelles (FN) rebels. Despite peace agreements and the mediation of South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki, the author argues that mutual mistrust, the use of ethnic militias, and breaches of UN arms embargos create a dangerous environment. The text highlights the role of 'Ivorianness' laws and xenophobia in polarising the population along north-south lines, drawing parallels to the build-up of the Rwandan genocide, particularly regarding the targeting of civilians and the use of ethnic propaganda.

The document examines El Salvador's recovery from civil war and its efforts to modernize its economy through market reforms, education, and diversification. While the country has successfully reduced its dependence on agriculture and attracted high-tech investment, it continues to face challenges such as low economic growth, high crime, and debt. The author suggests that El Salvador's experience highlights the importance of political consensus, targeted foreign direct investment, and education in achieving sustainable development.

The South African government implemented two 25-year private prison concessions in 2000 under the Asset Procurement and Operating Partnership Systems (APOPS). While a government review found that these facilities provided higher quality services than public prisons at comparable daily operating costs, the projects suffered from a lack of initial feasibility studies and overly high specifications based on UK models. Consequently, high interest rates and equity returns have resulted in these two prisons consuming 5% of the Department of Correctional Services' total budget for the 25-year duration of the contracts.

The case study examines a water concession involving Siza and SAUR Services, noting that while wealthier areas met water and sanitation targets, poorer areas did not. The arrangement faced financial instability due to rising bulk water costs, leading to contract adjustments that increased consumer prices and reduced investment. Key failures included a cholera outbreak caused by the poor accessing unhygienic water to avoid tariffs and a lack of municipal capacity.

The N4 toll road was established via a 30-year, R3 billion concession signed in 1996 between South Africa and Mozambique, operated by Trans-African Concessions (TRAC). The project utilized a financing structure of 20% equity and 80% debt, with the latter guaranteed by both governments. To manage user payment risks in Mozambique, TRAC implemented cross-subsidization using revenues from the South African section and provided discounts to regular Mozambican users. The road acted as a catalyst for further regional investment, including the Maputo Port and the Mozal aluminium smelter.

The 1995 power purchasing agreement between Tanesco and IPTL in Tanzania is cited as a failed public-private partnership due to alleged corruption, lack of feasibility studies, and the procurement of unnecessary diesel-generated power at inflated costs.

The author contends that Africa must embrace biotechnology and genetic modification to combat climate-change induced droughts and famines. The text criticizes African nations for adopting overly stringent regulations under the Cartagena Protocol, often influenced by European Union consumer concerns, which may conflict with World Trade Organization rules and hinder the delivery of food relief. It recommends that SADC countries emulate the pro-biotechnology regulatory models of nations like Brazil, India, and South Africa to maximize agricultural yields and reduce dependence on humanitarian aid.

The paper argues that a free trade agreement between Sacu and India is likely to be 'commercially shallow' due to low non-gold trade volumes, conflicting industrial protections in textiles and chemicals, and India's strategic priority of integrating with the Association of South East Asian Nations (Asean). While there is potential complementarity in services, the author notes that India's restrictive investment rules and defensive negotiating style make significant concessions unlikely.

The document analyzes the bilateral economic relationship between China and southern Africa, weighing the benefits of increased mineral and agricultural exports against the risks of industrial decline and displacement of regional production by cheap Chinese imports.

The briefing examines the vulnerability of the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe, noting that while the state faces a severe economic crisis and internal fissures within the ruling Zanu (PF) party, it remains resilient due to the lack of a foreign military threat and the inability of the internal opposition (MDC) to mobilize effective mass action.

The author argues that political opposition in SADC countries is structurally marginalized due to the fusion of liberation parties with the state and economy. This creates an environment where the electorate remains unresponsive to government failure, and potential opposition talent is deterred by the risks of alienating ruling elites or the lure of government and corporate employment.

The author criticizes the Southern African Development Community (SADC) for its premature declaration that Mozambique's December 2004 elections were 'free and fair' before the vote-counting process was complete. While other observer missions, including the EU and the Carter Centre, waited for final results to avoid the transparency issues seen in 1999, SADC's haste suggests a reluctance to criticize sitting member governments. This pattern, combined with SADC's support for the Zimbabwean government despite flawed elections, risks framing the organization as a club of ruling parties rather than a credible democratic umpire.

The paper examines the challenges of doing business in Africa, noting that political instability and corruption deter investment. It highlights South Africa's position as a leading non-oil and gas investor in Africa, with firms investing an average of $1.4 billion annually since 1991. While some local businesses fear South African domination, the author argues that these investments introduce new technologies, increase consumer choice, and serve as a catalyst for broader international confidence in African markets.

The report attributes Ghana's positive standing with donors to its relative stability in a volatile region and the active participation of civil society in development initiatives. For Mozambique, the report highlights the government's pragmatic, non-ideological approach to development and its acceptance of its role as a regional player as key lessons for other African states.

The report analyzes HIV/AIDS control efforts in Botswana, Senegal, and Uganda, noting that while Botswana faced the continent's highest prevalence rate, Senegal and Uganda maintained lower infection rates (below 2% and 15% respectively) despite lower human development rankings.