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The author reflects on the personal and national impact of Nelson Mandela's life and death, contrasting the euphoria of South Africa's democratic transition in the 1990s with the current challenges of social fragmentation, poverty, and inequality.

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) honors the legacy of Nelson Mandela, highlighting his role in South Africa's democratic transition and his international standing as an 'honest broker'. The statement recalls Mandela's August 2000 visit to the Institute, where he argued that globalization should extend beyond market accessibility to a shared global responsibility for human rights and the 'ills and woes' of others.

The research paper examines the 2013 Elysée Summit on Peace and Security, noting that despite institutional changes in France—such as the liquidation of the Africa Cell and the replacement of the ministry of cooperation with the ministry of development—France remains the primary military 'gendarme' in African conflicts. The author highlights recent interventions in Mali (Operation Serval) and the Central African Republic as evidence that France continues to fill security voids that African institutions cannot yet manage. The paper concludes that African powers, specifically South Africa and Nigeria, should redefine 'African solutions to African problems' to include external pivots and improve coordination through initiatives like the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC).

The paper argues that while FDI is beneficial for growth, the tendency of transnational companies to prioritize short-term shareholder dividends over long-term reinvestment (Brownfield investments) exacerbates current account deficits in middle-income countries. In South Africa, this is particularly acute because large investment income outflows are not offset by a trade surplus, unlike in some other BRIC nations. The author recommends shifting policy toward attracting 'quality' FDI that is labour-absorbing and export-oriented, utilizing corporate-level incentives to encourage the reinvestment of profits into the domestic economy.

The document examines how the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) facilitates the inclusion of civil society organisations (CSOs) in national governance assessments. While the APRM has helped transform CSOs from adversaries into partners in some countries, the process faces challenges such as 'pro-forma participation', capacity constraints, and a decline in momentum after the publication of Country Review Reports (CRRs). The author recommends that governments involve CSOs directly in monitoring and evaluation and that CSOs develop strategies for sustained policy dialogue and cross-national peer learning.

The document argues that South Africa's mining sector is trapped in a 'prisoners' dilemma' where majoritarian bargaining rules incentivise rival unions to pursue aggressive, often violent, strategies to maintain credibility and market share. This institutional failure, combined with rigid labour regulations, has contributed to industry stagnation and decreased investment attractiveness. The author recommends decentralising wage bargaining, implementing profit-sharing models, and empowering the Council for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA) to strip bargaining rights from unions that engage in illegal or violent strikes.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), launched in 2003, aims to improve governance in Africa through voluntary peer reviews. While it has successfully opened political space for civil society and provided frank assessments of 17 member states, it suffers from a lack of enforcement, insufficient political will at the continental level, and poor implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The document argues that the APRM is often perceived as a technical exercise for elites and recommends that the APR Forum exercise more peer pressure, governments secure realistic budgets for NPoAs, and civil society be given a formal role in monitoring progress.

The document examines South Africa's efforts to shift toward a low-carbon growth trajectory through various policy frameworks like the National Development Plan and the Green Economy Accord. It highlights a fundamental tension: while the government aims for a green transition to create jobs and reduce emissions, the country remains heavily reliant on coal-fired power and extractive industries to address urgent poverty and unemployment. The paper also explores South Africa's potential to lead other African nations in green investment and policy development.

The paper argues that Egypt's decision to join the TFTA is driven by a combination of geopolitical interests, a long-term shift toward trade liberalisation, and a desire to maintain influence in Africa. While static economic gains may be modest due to existing COMESA memberships and structural barriers, the author suggests that the TFTA offers a more consistent policy path than joining a customs union, potentially enhancing Egypt's role as an investment hub and improving relations with other African states.

The paper examines how Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa integrate green economy principles into their national development strategies. It finds that while some countries like South Africa embrace the concept as a path to sustainable development and job creation, others, such as Brazil, view it with skepticism, fearing it may benefit developed nations or hinder economic growth. The authors conclude that for a green transition to be successful, it must be aligned with each country's specific economic priorities and social objectives.

The policy brief argues that Africa has been sidelined in the Doha Development Round (DDR) and must shift from relying on emerging power leadership to a strategy of 'common interest' partnerships. It specifically identifies trade facilitation and a Least Developed Country (LDC) package as key areas for leverage. The author emphasizes that the Africa Group should use its collective voting power to mediate and block harmful decisions while maintaining internal unity to avoid marginalization in a global economy increasingly shaped by Free Trade Areas and the rise of BRIC nations.

The briefing outlines priorities for the new SADC Executive Secretary, emphasizing the implementation of existing commitments over new legal instruments, the institutionalization of public-private dialogue to support trade, and the improvement of transparency and information access to foster regional integration.

The document assesses the 2013 presidential elections in Madagascar, noting that while initial polls were deemed free and fair by SADC, the AU, and the EU, the risk of political instability remains. It highlights the likelihood of a second round of voting on 20 December 2013 and warns that the use of proxy candidates may not guarantee long-term stability for the fragile economy. The author urges SADC, specifically the Troika and the SADC Mediator, to proactively manage the transition by reinforcing dialogue with Roadmap signatories and ensuring adherence to the Malagasy Electoral Code to prevent a return to political paralysis.

This research paper examines competitive resource allocation systems (auctions or tenders) as a potential alternative to the 'first-in, first-assessed' (FIFA) principle for mining rights in South Africa, weighing the potential for increased state revenue and transparency against the risks of institutional weakness and delayed resource development.

The document analyzes Mozambique's foreign policy across three periods: liberation and civil war, post-conflict consolidation, and the current era of attracting foreign direct investment. It highlights how Mozambique's 'pragmatic non-alignment' allowed it to maintain diverse partnerships with Western donors, emerging powers like China and Brazil, and regional partners such as South Africa. While the country is viewed as a post-conflict success story, the paper warns that corruption, inequality, and a lack of domestic accountability threaten long-term stability as the country transitions toward financial independence driven by vast coal and natural gas discoveries.

Brazil has reframed its South Atlantic strategy to protect significant pre-salt oil and gas deposits, leading to a naval modernisation programme and a 'Blue Amazon' campaign to foster a maritime mentality. This strategy includes pursuing the expansion of its continental shelf through UNCLOS, developing a nuclear-propulsion attack submarine in co-operation with France, and establishing a 'goodwill belt' of defence ties with West African states. Brazil also seeks to revive the South Atlantic Peace and Co-operation Zone (Zopacas) to assert regional leadership and limit the influence of outside powers like NATO.

The document examines China's approach to the green economy, noting a domestic consensus on the need for green transformation due to severe environmental degradation, while highlighting China's reluctance to accept mandatory international obligations that might hinder economic growth. It analyzes the 2012 G-20 summit in Mexico, where the concept of 'inclusive green growth' was introduced to balance environmental goals with the social and economic concerns of developing nations. The author argues that China's internal organizational framework—where the Ministry of Finance coordinates G-20 affairs but the Ministry of Environmental Protection is excluded—contributed to its lack of engagement with the G-20's green growth agenda. Ultimately, the paper suggests that while the G-20 process has not yet directly shaped Chinese national policy, increasing domestic pressure and international dialogue may eventually push China toward more active participation and acceptance of green obligations.

The document examines the tension between the 'green growth' agenda promoted by developed nations and Brazil's preference for 'sustainable development' and autonomous industrialisation. It argues that while Brazil possesses significant environmental assets, its domestic policies—including those of the BNDES and Petrobras—continue to prioritise short-term economic growth and fossil fuel consumption over a green transition. Internationally, Brazil aligns with BRICS and other emerging economies to resist binding emissions commitments and protectionist 'green' trade barriers, despite its own voluntary GHG reduction targets.

The document examines the tension between marine resource sustainability and poverty alleviation for small-scale fishers in South Africa. It analyzes the 2012 Policy for the Small Scale Fisheries Sector, noting that while it formally recognizes small-scale fishers and introduces community-based co-management and local monitors, it fails to address provincial variations, the lack of enforcement power for monitors, and the disconnect between government departments like DAFF and the dti. A case study of Hamburg highlights the failure of a 2002-2004 abalone permit pilot project and the ongoing prevalence of illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing, which threatens both ecosystems and legal livelihoods.

The document examines the underutilisation of best practices within the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), noting that while over 200 practices have been identified across 15 country review reports, they remain largely confined to those reports. It argues that best practices should serve as a central anchor for peer learning to drive governance reform. The author recommends that the APRM define best practices more clearly, integrate their identification into the initial country self-assessment phase to increase national ownership, and establish a central repository and dedicated learning forums to disseminate these home-grown solutions across the continent.