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The document examines the outcomes of the 2013 Bali Ministerial Conference, specifically the Bali Package, and its potential to break the deadlock of the Doha Development Round. While the Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA) is highlighted as a significant achievement due to its innovative approach to special and differential treatment (SDT), the author argues that the Bali Package fails to address fundamental conflicts in agriculture, industrial goods, and services. The briefing warns that the rise of mega-regional trade agreements, such as the TPP and TTIP, threatens the centrality of the WTO if the organization cannot adapt its negotiating principles and attract political leadership from major economies.

The document analyzes Nigeria's experience with the APRM, highlighting that while the peer review process is a valuable diagnostic tool, the subsequent implementation of the National Programme of Action (NPoA) faces severe hurdles. In Nigeria, these include poor monitoring and evaluation, limited technical capacity, funding constraints, and a lack of legal standing for NEPAD Nigeria. The brief also notes a decline in civil society engagement due to mistrust and lack of donor funding, concluding that success requires strong political will, better communication, and the integration of the NPoA into national development strategies.

The document analyzes the governance of the Cubango-Okavango River Basin through OKACOM, highlighting how a strong institutional framework and political trust among Angola, Namibia, and Botswana have enabled 20 years of co-operation. It identifies challenges such as climate change, population growth, and asymmetrical economic benefits, recommending the adoption of economic water accounting and benefit-sharing mechanisms to sustain the basin's ecological integrity.

The document examines the application of human rights due diligence in the mineral supply chains of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), specifically focusing on 'conflict minerals' like tantalite, tin, tungsten, and gold. It reviews six major initiatives—including the OECD Guidance, the ICGLR Regional Certification Mechanism, and the iTSCi—concluding that their heavy reliance on traceability is insufficient to stop the financing of armed groups. The author argues that these frameworks are based on a reductionist 'resource curse' theory and fail to account for the informal nature of artisanal mining, weak state governance, and complex land ownership disputes. The paper highlights that such initiatives can lead to a de facto embargo on minerals, harming the livelihoods of artisanal miners. It concludes that sustainable management requires the meaningful inclusion of local stakeholders and a deeper understanding of the political and socio-economic drivers of conflict beyond mere economic profit.

The document examines the role of community forests in Namibia's community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) framework. While these forests have increased local ownership and reduced large-scale illegal logging, they struggle with incomplete management plans and a heavy reliance on donor funding. The authors recommend strengthening the capacity of Forest Management Committees (FMCs), improving the quality of forest management plans, and exploring synergies with conservancies to enhance financial viability.

The 2014 G-20 Summit, hosted by Australia, focuses on 'growth and resilience' to address a 'fragile, sluggish global economy'. A key objective is the 'Brisbane Action Plan', aiming to boost G-20 GDP by at least 2 per cent above projections over five years, potentially adding over $2 trillion to global GDP. The G-20's broader agenda includes financial regulation, international tax reform, and energy market resilience. For South Africa, the summit is critical as it seeks to align global growth outcomes with its National Development Plan's goal of over 5 per cent GDP growth, while advocating for inclusive and sustainable growth across Africa.

The document serves as a framework for analyzing the business-enabling environment and economic indicators in Southern Africa. It utilizes nine specific case studies to examine barriers to economic growth, including access to finance in Malawi, regulatory constraints on fuel ethanol markets in SADC, alternative energy in mining, access to medicines, the SADC univisa, regional transit bonds, non-tariff barriers at Beit Bridge, the Non-Tariff Barrier Monitoring Mechanism, and logistics development in Walvis Bay.

The Dhaka Roundtable brought together experts to discuss the future of the WTO in the face of evolving global trade patterns, such as the rise of mega-trade blocs and global value chains. Key deliberations focused on the viability of plurilateral negotiations as an alternative to the stalled Doha Round, the search for a permanent solution to public food stockholding, and the necessity of strengthening special and differential treatment (S&DT) for LDCs. Participants emphasized that LDCs face significant barriers to participating in global value chains, with LDCs accounting for only 8% of total value added. The summary also outlines the need to implement the Bali LDC Package, specifically regarding duty-free and quota-free market access and the operationalization of the services waiver, to ensure trade serves as a vehicle for socio-economic development post-2015.

The document analyzes why the APRM process in Zambia has lost momentum despite early innovative practices. It identifies a lack of funding, poor coordination within civil society, and the disbandment of the civil society APRM Secretariat in 2011 as key drivers of this decline. The authors argue that the APRM has become dominated by the government post-review and is not central to Zambia's broader governance discourse. Recommendations include integrating the APRM into national development plans, increasing media coverage, and improving budgeting guidance from the continental APRM Secretariat.

The policy brief argues that while South Africa is the only permanent African member of the G-20, the current system of inviting the AU chair and a NEPAD representative is insufficient due to high rotation and a lack of formal coordination. It highlights that G-20 agendas on infrastructure, tax reform, and sustainable development financing directly impact Africa's development goals, such as Agenda 2063. To address capacity gaps, the authors recommend establishing a coordinating secretariat within the AU Commission, drawing on the successful model used for the 2011 Busan Forum on Aid Effectiveness and South Africa's 2013 BRICS outreach to African countries.

The document analyzes the evolution of China–Zimbabwe relations from the 1960s liberation struggle to 2014. It argues that the relationship is driven by a unique 'two-way momentum' resulting from Zimbabwe's 'Look East' policy and China's FOCAC-led engagement, particularly as Zimbabwe faced Western sanctions. The author highlights a balanced development across political, economic, and military pillars, though notes that the relationship often serves as a political tool for the ZANU-PF government. Key economic findings include a surge in Chinese FDI and trade, with Zimbabwe becoming a top recipient of Chinese investment in 2013. The paper concludes that while the relationship is currently based on crisis-response pragmatism, it has the potential to pioneer a more comprehensive strategic partnership for China–Africa relations if both nations develop formal national strategies.

The paper examines the rise of 'mega-regional' trade agreements like the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), which aim for deep regulatory integration beyond WTO standards. It argues that while overall GDP impacts on outsiders may be small, these agreements risk eroding trade preferences and establishing new global regulatory norms that could marginalise developing countries. For South Africa, the authors recommend a strategy of unilateral regulatory reform, deeper regional integration within SADC and COMESA, and constructive engagement in the WTO to avoid being left behind by 'competitive liberalisation'.

The document analyzes the evolving energy partnership between the US and South Africa, framed by the US's shift toward energy independence via shale gas and its 'Power Africa' initiative. While South Africa is interested in the US model for shale gas and renewables, the briefing argues that South Africa must remain cautious regarding hydraulic fracturing due to severe water constraints and infrastructure gaps. It highlights the US-South Africa Strategic Dialogue as a mechanism for cooperation on clean energy, carbon capture, and hydrocarbon development, while noting that US initiatives in Africa have targeted a limited number of countries.

The document highlights a drastic increase in unauthorized sand mining in South Africa's rivers and estuaries, driven by low entry barriers and high demand from the construction industry. In the eThekwini jurisdiction, sand extraction rates exceed natural replenishment, leading to riverbank erosion, sinking water tables, and the denudation of beaches. The author argues that current governance is hampered by weak enforcement, insufficient capacity of Environmental Management Inspectors (EMIs), and regulatory ambiguity between the Department of Mineral Resources (DMR) and environmental authorities. The brief recommends halting riparian and estuarine mining in favor of sustainable alternatives and enhancing the capacity of national and provincial authorities to enforce Environmental Management Plans (EMPs).

Botswana possesses 212 billion tonnes of coal, offering potential for economic diversification away from diamonds. However, the document argues that a coal export industry is likely economically unfeasible due to massive infrastructure costs—specifically a proposed $10 billion railway to Namibia—and environmental constraints. Instead, the author suggests that integrating regional fossil fuels for electricity production could address Southern Africa's power crisis, provided there is political cooperation, particularly from South Africa, and until solar baseload power becomes a viable alternative.

The research paper examines the political strategy of RENAMO and its leader Afonso Dhlakama in Mozambique following the 2014 elections. It argues that RENAMO has shifted from electoral politics toward a strategy of 'brinkmanship' and guerrilla warfare to secure political concessions and a Government of National Unity (GNU), drawing parallels to post-election settlements in Kenya and Zimbabwe. While this approach restored RENAMO's political fortunes and secured reforms to election management bodies, the author notes that international observers viewed the 2014 elections as generally free and fair, potentially undermining RENAMO's bid for international mediation and a forced power-sharing agreement.

The research paper examines whether the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) has led to governance improvements in member states using the 2014 Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) as a benchmark. The author finds mixed results: while 10 of 17 reviewed countries showed some progress—most notably Rwanda—others like Mali and Benin experienced regression. The paper concludes that there is no obvious direct positive correlation between APRM reviews and improved IIAG scores, largely because member states have failed to systematically implement the required National Programmes of Action (NPoA). To improve, the author recommends strengthening peer pressure, increasing secretariat support for national planning, and enhancing civil society engagement to ensure domestic accountability.

The paper examines the potential for mining to coexist with environmental preservation in Botswana's Okavango Delta. It highlights the economic pressure on Botswana to diversify away from declining diamond revenues by utilizing iron-ore, copper, and coal deposits. While acknowledging the environmental risks to the Delta—which is also threatened by upstream irrigation in Angola and Namibia, population growth, and poaching—the author suggests that mining companies can be allies in conservation. This is supported by the reputational risks associated with the Delta's World Heritage status and the regulatory oversight of the Toronto Stock Exchange and the International Finance Corporation. The document advocates for a governance model based on cooperation, land-use planning, and community engagement to ensure mining provides the capital and employment necessary to sustain the region's long-term ecological and tourism value.

The document analyzes the 'vertical' healthcare approach favored by Western nations—which targets specific diseases—versus the 'horizontal' approach traditionally used by China, which focuses on infrastructure and integrated systems. While both provided short-term emergency aid during the Ebola crisis, the author argues that China's long-term strategy of building healthcare infrastructure is more sustainable for African states. The brief suggests that an ideal response combines both systems and calls for increased cooperation between China and the West, alongside regular UN Security Council meetings on public health, to strengthen global health security.

The document analyzes the African Group's engagement at the UN Human Rights Council, noting a tension between a desire for regional leadership and a tendency to grant accused governments veto power over resolutions. While some 'human rights-friendly' states consistently support country-specific resolutions, others systematically abstain or oppose them, leading to an uneven response to crises across the continent and globally.