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The report critiques the traditional focus of Humanitarian Mine Action (HMA) on technical metrics—such as the number of mines removed—and advocates for a shift toward socio-economic impact assessments. Using case studies from Mozambique, the authors argue that the physical removal of mines is often insufficient to trigger positive change unless operators understand local dynamics and foster community trust. The report proposes a 'transformative reconstruction' approach where HMA is integrated into broader development goals, emphasizing that impact is maximized through strong agency-community relationships and a continuous cycle of socio-economic analysis from project planning through long-term follow-up.

The report examines the shift in international norms where state sovereignty is increasingly balanced against the protection of human rights. It analyzes the rise of 'neo-interventionism' in Africa, the transition of NATO from a defensive alliance to a regional security actor in the Balkans, and the persistence of stubborn states like Iraq and Algeria that resist external interference. The authors argue that while the non-intervention norm has weakened, interventions must be grounded in specific case-by-case duties and multilateral authorization to avoid the abuse of power.

The report examines how gender structures the conduct and experience of armed conflict, noting that men typically define the parameters of war and are more likely to be killed in combat, while women are more frequently victims of sexual violence. It critiques essentialist views of gender—which see masculinity as inherently aggressive and femininity as inherently peaceful—and instead advocates for a constructionist approach that recognizes gender identities as socially formed and changeable. The document highlights the need for a 'critical mass' of women (approximately 30%) in political decision-making to qualitatively shift political culture toward more cooperative and 'soft' value-based approaches. It concludes with recommendations for the United Nations and member states to mainstream gender in peace-keeping, humanitarian aid, and the prosecution of gender-specific war crimes, such as systematic rape.

The report examines the complexities of humanitarian intervention in the post-Cold War era, where internal conflicts predominate over interstate wars. It argues that these conflicts are often driven by economic and political injustice and manipulated by 'conflict entrepreneurs' who mobilize ethnic identity for power. The text analyzes the ethical dilemmas of intervention through the Just War tradition, the systemic coordination failures between the UN and NGOs, and the specific dynamics of Russian interventions in the former Soviet south and emergent peace-keeping efforts in Africa.

The document analyzes the 1990-1996 rebellion in Northern Mali, driven by the marginalization of Tuareg and Arab nomads and a development gap between the North and South. It details how the Norwegian Church Aid (NCA) leveraged long-term trust and a network of Malian advisors to facilitate 37 intercommunity meetings, enabling local civil society to lead reconciliation efforts. While the National Pact and subsequent integration of combatants provided a framework for peace, the author argues that lasting stability depends on increased international investment in infrastructure and the removal of IMF-imposed structural adjustment restrictions that hinder the staffing of essential services.

The study examines the evolution of Hazara political organisation across five phases between 1978 and 1992. It tracks the transition from local resistance led by traditional 'mir' leaders to a regional administration under the 'sayyid' clergy, followed by a civil war and the eventual rise of the Islamist-dominated Hezb-e Wahdat party. The author argues that mobilisation was driven by external threats and competition over political influence, while the success of specific organisations depended on their ability to provide private goods and maintain internal control.

The document analyzes the escalation of the Sinhalese-Tamil ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka from 1983 to 1986, focusing on the 'criminal fire'—reprisals and atrocities—committed by both government security forces and Tamil guerrillas. It argues that the conflict has evolved from social discrimination into an ethnic war where the conduct of armed forces actively reproduces the violence. The author proposes a two-step resolution process: first, the application of the Law of Armed Conflict and Human Rights Law to de-escalate military violence, followed by the use of human rights law to manage the political struggle. The report suggests international assistance from the UN, the Commonwealth, and the Red Cross, and advocates for radical reform of the Sri Lankan police and army to make them representative of both ethnic communities.

The document analyzes the Indo-Norwegian Fishing Project in Kerala, South India, to demonstrate that technical assistance can cause social conflict through modest interventions. It identifies five specific factional conflicts involving fish merchants, different classes of fishermen, sales cooperatives, communal tensions between the Nair and Latin Catholic groups, and the Arayas' ambivalence toward new methods. Additionally, it argues that the principle of ideological neutrality in development assistance can sometimes hinder the effective achievement of project goals.

This executive summary examines the energy security challenges facing India and China, focusing on their increasing dependence on imported oil and the resulting geopolitical implications for their domestic and foreign policies.

The study finds that while population density is a strong and consistent predictor of armed conflict, the effects of land degradation and water scarcity are relatively weak or insignificant. Political and economic factors, particularly GDP and political instability, far outweigh local environmental stressors in determining conflict risk. Interestingly, the authors find that resource scarcity may matter less for conflict in low-income states than in wealthier states, challenging some neo-Malthusian assumptions.

The research paper develops a formal model and provides empirical analysis to argue that third-party military intervention in civil wars is driven by economic factors. The authors find that the likelihood of intervention increases when the conflict state has large oil reserves, when the global oil market is more oligopolistic (less competitive), and when the potential intervener is a net oil importer. Using a dyadic dataset from 1945-1999, the study demonstrates that the value of oil reserves and the intervener's balance of trade in oil are significant predictors of intervention, often exerting a larger impact than traditional factors like ethnic ties or Cold War dynamics.

The PETRODATA codebook describes a global dataset of onshore and offshore hydrocarbon reserves covering 1946–2003. It explains the transition from point data to generalized polygons to make the data practical for GIS analysis and conflict research, and defines 20 variables including discovery and production years.

Camilla Gjerde's research finds that political institutions have little direct impact on whether outsiders or non-democrats are elected as presidents, though they do influence the party system which indirectly affects the type of president. The study further concludes that 'extreme' presidents are generally more likely to experience serious political instability than moderate leaders, although some exceptions exist.

The study examines the educational journeys of Somali youth in Dadaab camps, Kenya, highlighting how secondary students use education and scholarships to seek exit routes and how graduates adapt their aspirations due to limited local opportunities. It also notes the role of academically successful youth in establishing accredited schools to support others.

The report examines the ethical dilemmas inherent in preparedness policy, highlighting the tension between investing in potential future threats versus immediate needs. It identifies a need for a holistic 'preparedness ethics' to manage trade-offs between military and civil security, national and international priorities, and the protection of humans versus other species.

The Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) proposes that security research within the FP7 Theme 10 framework should shift from an instrumental focus on protecting institutions and infrastructure to a people-based approach. PRIO argues that security is fundamentally social and cultural, reflecting shared values and identities. The document outlines specific contributions that sociology, psychology, anthropology, and ethics can provide across various mission areas, including risk analysis, terror threat assessment, surveillance trade-offs, and crisis management. It warns that security measures can inadvertently increase fear and insecurity if they alienate populations, emphasizing that true security is based on trust rather than just physical protection.

The fourth edition of the ATT Monitor evaluates the state of the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) through three primary lenses: regional analysis of Asia and Latin America/Caribbean, an assessment of annual and initial reporting practices by State Parties, and an investigation into arms diversion. It identifies significant gaps in reporting compliance, specifically regarding the failure of State Parties to update initial reports on national control systems.

The author warns that a hasty reduction in international civilian aid to Afghanistan could undermine a decade of progress in education, health, and media. While security transitions and political leadership changes dominate the agenda, the author emphasizes that the 'economic transition' is critical. The document highlights that achievements in school enrollment and health are fragile due to poor quality and lack of maintenance funds. It further notes that while a media revolution and a growing civil society provide a platform for reform, these are vulnerable to conservative forces and a lack of resources. The author concludes that predictable aid is necessary to consolidate these gains and prevent reform-minded groups from being marginalized by warlords and powerbrokers.

The document outlines the academic career and research of Ron P. Smith, a leading defence economist. It details his work on the economic impacts of military spending, the dynamics of the international arms trade, and the application of econometric methods to peace research. The text highlights Smith's influence on military planning and his critical approach to quantitative methods in conflict research.

The text explores integration as a two-way process between immigrants and the host society, contrasting assimilation with multiculturalism. It discusses the challenges of inclusion and racialization in Norway, provides a population-geographical analysis of Norway's diverse demographic composition, and introduces the concept of 'super-diversity' to describe the complex, layered diversity found in large cities.