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The research evaluates the relationship between preference-based positions and voting in the Council of the European Union by combining positional data from expert interviews with official voting records. The authors find that governments generally vote in line with their issue-specific positions, supporting the view that they act as rational, utility-maximizing agents. This relationship is more pronounced when the analysis accounts for the salience of issues and employs Bayesian imputation to handle missing data, rather than using standard mean-replacement or list-wise deletion. The study suggests that the perceived 'culture of consensus' in the Council may be a result of selection bias, as only adopted legislation is recorded in the official minutes.

The document analyzes the bipolar rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia within the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex, examining how their competition for ideological leadership, regional security dominance, and energy market control influences their strategic engagement in Afghanistan. It explores the role of global powers—the USA, Russia, and China—in reinforcing these regional divisions and assesses the potential for a cooperative security architecture in the region.

The research argues that the association between poverty and civil war is primarily driven by low state reach and geographic accessibility rather than the depth of poverty itself. Through cross-national quantitative analysis and a detailed case study of the Maoist insurgency in Nepal, the author finds that while inaccessibility and pre-existing social networks are critical for the survival and growth of initially weak rebel groups, their importance declines as rebels gain relative military capacity. The study concludes that the 'economic opportunity cost' account—which posits that poverty makes rebellion financially feasible—is less supported by the evidence than the 'politico-military opportunity' account.

The report analyzes the failure of early political inclusion in Afghanistan, the limited impact of amnesty programs, and the constraints on Norway's role as a peace facilitator due to its military commitments to NATO and the U.S.

The document reports that a majority of young adults in Senegal wish to emigrate, primarily to Europe, regardless of their gender or relative perceptions of Europe versus Senegal. However, there is a significant gap between these aspirations and actual preparations, such as obtaining passports, with men being far more likely to take preparatory steps than women. The brief argues that migration is demand-driven and suggests that promoting circular migration and local investment can mitigate the risks associated with unfulfilled migration aspirations.

The document challenges the perception of Meghalaya as a peaceful state, identifying deep-seated ethnic tensions between Khasis, Garos, and non-tribal populations. It attributes these conflicts to ethnocentric politics, economic disparity—particularly in the underdeveloped Garo Hills—and disputes over government job quotas. While the government has implemented land transfer laws and development projects, and religious organizations have facilitated negotiations, the brief argues that these measures are often unsustainable or insufficient. It recommends moving away from monetary appeasement toward structural reforms, social auditing, and improved connectivity to the rest of India.

The text argues that the discourses of justice and community are intertwined and co-determinate. It suggests that the variability of political communities, influenced by 'multiculturalism' and 'glocalization', creates a crisis in defining justice. The author proposes reconstructing the relationship between these concepts by analyzing political, legal, and moral sub-discourses of community.

The document examines the failure of high-level peace talks in Cyprus, which it claims are instrumentalized by national elites to maintain power. It highlights the existence of a 'third space'—a peace-oriented inter-communal movement between Greek and Turkish Cypriots—that has successfully maintained communication and cooperation. However, the authors argue that international donors have marginalized this movement by imposing strict funding conditionalities and favoring institutionalized, 'compliant' partners, thereby isolating peace activists from the wider population. The brief recommends that donors provide core financing and symbolic legitimacy to these grassroots movements rather than attempting to manage them.

The document analyzes the Unique Identification Number (UID) project in India, the world's largest biometric ID programme, focusing on its goals of improving service delivery to the poor and reducing welfare fraud. It identifies critical challenges including jurisdictional conflicts between the UIDAI and the Home Ministry, the lack of independent grievance mechanisms, and significant risks to privacy and data protection. The authors warn that the convergence of data across agencies could enable profiling and surveillance, and they recommend establishing stronger legal safeguards and an independent review body.

The document argues that conflict-related sexual violence is not inevitable, as evidenced by armed groups that successfully prohibit it. It identifies causes of such violence—ranging from opportunistic gratification to strategic instrumental use—and proposes six primary avenues for prevention: changing social and military norms, creating safer physical spaces, improving reporting mechanisms, ending impunity, ensuring commander accountability, and integrating prevention into post-war DDR processes.

The document assesses the security and economic relationships between Afghanistan and its neighbours, including Pakistan, Iran, China, Russia, India, and Central Asian states. It argues that Afghanistan's stability depends on a combination of internal political reconciliation, the strengthening of national security forces, and a regional shift toward economic interdependence. The author suggests that by serving as a 'land bridge' for energy and trade, Afghanistan can motivate neighbouring states to support its stability rather than treating it as a zone for proxy competition.

The report examines the causes and consequences of water scarcity in Bangladesh, focusing on the Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna (GBM) basin. It analyzes bilateral water treaties between India and its neighbors (Pakistan, Nepal, and Bangladesh) and evaluates the effectiveness of multilateral organizations like the Nile Basin Initiative and the Mekong River Commission to identify best practices for regional cooperation. Primary research indicates a long-term decline in the dry-season flow of the Padma River, potentially exacerbated by the Farakka Barrage, while rainfall patterns remain largely stable. Stakeholder mapping reveals significant communication gaps between policymakers and affected populations, and the report suggests that water scarcity can act as a trigger for localized conflict, particularly in the Padma basin.

The policy brief contends that international efforts to combat sexual violence in war have focused excessively on victim protection and criminal prosecution, leaving the motivations of perpetrators largely unexamined. To move toward effective prevention, the author proposes three focused approaches: analyzing individual personality traits during military recruitment, holding military leadership accountable to dismantle the perception that sexual violence is a permissible wartime activity, and challenging militarized masculinities that may justify such crimes. The document emphasizes that understanding the intersection of personal traits and the coercive environment of war is essential for identifying preventive remedies.

The report examines the history and impact of the Sixth Schedule and territorial councils in Northeast India, arguing that while intended to protect tribal interests and integrate the region into India, these structures have often incentivized ethno-nationalism and 'homeland politics'. It analyzes specific settlements like the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) and the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Territorial Council (KAATC), noting that the BTC's model of ethnic reservation may institutionalize tribal enclaves, whereas the KAATC settlement introduces promising measures for financial transparency and grassroots devolution. The author concludes that peace depends on moving beyond ad hoc concessions to armed groups and involving civil society in autonomy negotiations.

The document analyzes trends in Norwegian military expenditure and employment, noting that while the defense burden as a share of GNP has declined over fifty years, absolute spending remains historically high, potentially driven by the need to protect maritime petroleum and fish resources.

The document is an appendix to a research paper that lists specific conflict episodes where natural resources played a role. It categorizes these links into mechanisms such as financing, distribution, and aggravation, providing brief descriptions of how resources like oil, diamonds, timber, and land influenced the conflicts across various global regions.

The authors find substantial support for the existence of democratic waves, arguing that they are driven by a combination of economic development, democratic diffusion from neighboring countries, the 'stickiness' of consistent institutional configurations, and systemic shocks such as world wars and the creation of new states.

The report analyzes the views of 55 Egyptian stakeholders, including policy makers, political parties, and NGOs, regarding the operation of the Rafah Crossing Point (RCP). It examines the tension between humanitarian needs and security concerns, the impact of the tunnel economy, and the role of international agreements like the Agreement on Movement and Access (AMA). The findings highlight a fragmented Egyptian approach, where security agencies prioritize countering smuggling and militant infiltration, while political groups like the Muslim Brotherhood advocate for normalized relations with Hamas. The report concludes that a functioning border depends on resolving the Israeli blockade and establishing a unified Palestinian government.

The report details the outcomes of a conference on the legacy of wartime rape, emphasizing that sexual violence in conflict is a complex societal issue affecting victims, families, and communities. It identifies significant gaps in research regarding perpetrators and the long-term life histories of victims and children born of war. The document advocates for a holistic, multidisciplinary approach to support, the development of international guidelines for the rights of victims, and increased political pressure to prosecute perpetrators.

The document argues that the PLO is in acute need of democratic reform to address widespread distrust in its unelected leadership. It proposes a model of fully proportional representative elections for the PNC based on the geographic distribution of Palestinians globally. While political will exists between Fatah and Hamas following the May 2011 Cairo Agreement, the author identifies significant obstacles, including the risk to Jordanian citizenship for voters in Jordan and pressure from Western powers (the Quartet) who oppose a Palestinian leadership that includes Hamas.