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The report examines the role of socially engaged art in bridging ethnic and social divisions in Cyprus, emphasizing its capacity to foster empathy and inter-community contact. It maps various Cypriot initiatives—ranging from bi-communal theatre and visual arts collaborations to urban design projects—and compares them with experiences in South Africa, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Northern Ireland, and Brazil. The author argues that while art cannot resolve political conflicts alone, it creates essential 'contact zones' for relationship building. The document concludes with policy recommendations to shift from elitist art frameworks toward grassroots, community-based cultural policies that utilize public spaces and crossing points to reinforce peace.

The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Index 2019/20 ranks 167 countries based on 11 indicators across three dimensions: inclusion, justice, and security. Norway is the top-ranked country (.904) and Yemen the lowest (.351). While 59 countries showed significant progress since 2017, the report highlights persistent gaps in women's employment and parliamentary representation. It also establishes correlations between women's well-being and broader outcomes, such as reduced maternal and infant mortality and a lower risk of violent conflict.

The report examines the dynamics of trust between immigrants and public institutions, with a primary focus on the Norwegian Child Welfare Services (UOPD/Barnevernet) and the Polish social welfare system. It identifies a significant trust crisis among Polish migrants in Norway, attributing it to communication barriers, cultural differences in parenting styles, and the influence of media narratives. The document compares the 'child-oriented' approach of Norway with the 'child protection-oriented' approach of Poland, noting that while both adhere to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, their institutional structures and cultural contexts differ. Key findings highlight that trust is built through positive personal interactions with staff rather than general institutional reputation, and that a lack of intercultural competence among social workers can lead to discriminatory practices. The report concludes with recommendations for increasing intercultural training for staff, improving communication strategies, and addressing the high turnover rate of social workers to foster more stable and trusting relationships with immigrant families.

The report examines the normative tensions inherent in security preparedness, identifying ten central ethical problems regarding priorities, responsibilities, and the distribution of costs and benefits. It evaluates these problems through various ethical theories—including consequentialism, contractualism, and deontology—and assesses existing guidelines like the Sendai Framework and Council of Europe principles. The document concludes by proposing a three-part framework to evaluate the ethical legitimacy of specific security policies based on human rights principles.

The report examines Plan S, an initiative by European research funders to ensure full and immediate open access to publicly funded research. The authors argue that by primarily permitting Gold Open Access, Plan S may exclude researchers from 86% of all scientific journals and 97% of leading international journals. The document highlights risks to research quality, the potential for increased financial barriers via author payment (APCs), and negative impacts on the career trajectories of early-career researchers and marginalized groups. It concludes that the overall effect on the societal value of research is uncertain and recommends a formal impact assessment by Norwegian authorities.

The report examines Plan S, an initiative by European research funders to ensure immediate open access to publicly funded research by January 1, 2020. The authors argue that by primarily permitting Gold Open Access (Gold OA) journals, the plan may exclude researchers from 86% of all academic journals and 97% of leading journals. The analysis suggests that the author-pays model via Article Processing Charges (APCs) may not cover the actual costs of high-quality publishing, potentially leading to a decline in research quality, the rise of predatory journals, and increased inequalities for researchers in low-income countries or those in early career stages. Furthermore, the report highlights risks to academic freedom, international cooperation, and the reliability of research evaluations, as the loss of established journal hierarchies may introduce subjective biases in hiring and promotion.

The document argues against a sequential model of research where results are merely 'translated' for stakeholders at the end of a project. Instead, it advocates for knowledge co-creation, an inclusive process where stakeholders are involved from the design phase through data analysis and communication. Using examples from the 'Active Citizenship in Culturally and Religiously Diverse Societies' (ACT) project, the brief demonstrates how interactive workshops and conferences can facilitate the exchange of experiential and professional knowledge. It concludes that while this approach increases relevance, new evaluation mechanisms are needed to capture the unpredictable, bottom-up nature of its societal impact.

The research argues that democratization is more likely when opposition movements are led by urban groups—industrial workers and the middle class—who possess both the motivation to seek democratic policies and the organizational capacity to challenge regimes. Using a dataset of 193 campaigns across 147 countries, the authors find that movements dominated by industrial workers have a robust and significant positive effect on democratization. In contrast, movements dominated by peasants or military personnel are not conducive to democratization, and the evidence for middle-class-led campaigns is mixed, appearing more effective when limited to students and educated professionals or non-violent tactics.

The author, a professor and self-described friend of Israel, criticizes the Israeli military's use of lethal force against Palestinian protesters in Gaza. He argues that the justifications provided by the Israeli government—namely that protesters are Hamas operatives—undermine the fundamental principle of discrimination between combatants and noncombatants. He asserts that the force used by the IDF was disproportionate and unfaithful to both Jewish moral tradition and international laws of war, such as the Geneva Conventions.

The report analyzes how Turkey's domestic transformation and regional foreign policy influence the security perceptions of Greek-Cypriots. It distinguishes between official perceptions, which prioritize military and state security, and non-official perceptions, which place greater emphasis on political and economic stability. The author argues that while Turkey is viewed as a primary existential threat, addressing broader human security concerns could provide a path for inter-communal collaboration in Cyprus.

The author examines the role of the Moscow-Washington 'hotline' and related communication channels in defusing tensions after the US military response to chemical weapons use in Douma, Syria. While the author criticizes the legal basis and evidentiary grounds of the strikes, they emphasize that dialogue between the superpowers prevented a wider conflict. The text also notes the implications for Norway's security and the internal US political dynamics that influenced the limited nature of the military response.

The report finds that while the number of state-based armed conflicts and total casualties declined in 2017, non-state conflicts increased significantly. Syria remained the deadliest conflict, and the Islamic State (IS) was involved in 31% of all conflicts. The authors note a long-term general decline in warfare since the 1950s, though they warn that internationalized intrastate conflicts and religious extremism continue to pose major threats to global peace.

The author argues that opposition to immigration is a pervasive popular movement across Europe, regardless of a country's ethnic homogeneity or immigration policy. This trend is contributing to political polarization and a potential 'de-democratization' process, particularly as it aligns with skepticism toward supranational solutions like the EU. The text highlights a divide between 'new' and 'old' Europe, noting that some Eastern European countries lack the same norms of tolerance as Western Europe, which influences their resistance to EU refugee quotas.

The document examines the shift in the perception of smartphones for refugees from humanitarian assets to instruments of state surveillance. It details how several European governments are implementing or proposing legislation to search digital devices to verify identities and conduct security screenings. The authors argue that this practice raises critical questions regarding proportionality, the right to privacy, and the digital vulnerability of migrants, warning that digital data is not a 'silver bullet' for truth and can be manipulated or misinterpreted.

The OSCE has struggled to implement its 2004 Gender Action Plan due to increased political polarisation, a consensus-based decision-making rule that grants all 57 participating States veto power, and budget constraints. While conservative states and the Holy See have resisted the 'gender' agenda, the document argues that the OSCE's field missions provide a critical opportunity to implement gender-oriented policies on the ground, provided their autonomy is protected from political turmoil.

The document argues that the relationship between climate shocks and violent conflict is context-dependent, primarily affecting communal conflicts in resource-scarce areas with poor government services. It suggests that maintaining socio-economic development in poor, conflict-prone states is essential to minimizing the future impact of climate change on violent conflict.

The document estimates that in 2016, 1.35 billion children lived in conflict-affected countries, with 357 million living in 'conflict zones' defined as within 50 km of a lethal conflict event. Asia has the highest absolute number of affected children, while the Middle East has the highest proportional risk. The number of children in conflict zones has increased by over 50% since the 1990s, with nearly half living in high-intensity conflict zones in 2016. The authors highlight a critical lack of systematic data on direct harms like killing and maiming, urging increased investment in data collection and targeted policy interventions.

The research examines perceptions of the 2016 Colombian peace accord in Mesetas, a former FARC stronghold. Findings indicate that residents are generally satisfied with the overall peace process and support core provisions such as land reform and coca reform, though they are less supportive of integrating FARC members into the political system. While residents perceive implementation progress as being further along than in Tumaco, they report significant dissatisfaction with the quality of public services, particularly healthcare, which the authors suggest is a missed opportunity for the government to strengthen support for the agreement.

The report examines the shift from individual-centric privacy concerns to the broader societal ethics of biometric technologies. It analyzes how the integration of biometric data into large-scale networked databases facilitates 'function creep,' where data collected for one purpose (e.g., humanitarian aid or refugee management) is repurposed for security and policing. Through case studies in the UK, EU, and India, the authors argue that biometrics are transforming human identity into 'coded' information, potentially eroding social trust, increasing exclusion for 'unreadable' bodies, and altering the relationship between the citizen and the state.

The report provides an evaluation of corporate peacebuilding initiatives, arguing that most 'Business for Peace' (B4P) efforts have yielded few positive impacts and can sometimes exacerbate local conflicts. It presents seven key questions for firms to assess their impact on conflict environments, local definitions of peace, socio-economic structures, and supply chain links to conflict actors. The authors conclude that the most peace-positive strategy is often to avoid conflict regions entirely and that substantive progress requires binding, independently verified regulatory initiatives.