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The report analyzes how the AKP government has shifted Turkish foreign policy toward a more proactive, ideologically driven approach that leverages historical, cultural, and religious ties to expand regional influence. It examines the role of institutions like the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB) and the Diyanet in managing these relations. Through case studies in Bulgaria, Germany, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Cyprus, and Palestine, the document illustrates how this 'kin-state' politics often leads to the instrumentalization of religion, the exportation of domestic political conflicts, and tensions with host countries, while sometimes being perceived by the target communities as paternalistic or colonizing.

The document examines how 'migration' and 'development' are defined and measured in quantitative research, highlighting a gap in evidence regarding migration aspirations, failed attempts, and involuntary immobility. It discusses the challenges of establishing causal links due to endogeneity—specifically reverse causality, self-selection, and omitted variables—and evaluates experimental and non-experimental methods to address these biases. The paper advocates for a holistic, multi-dimensional approach to development that moves beyond economic metrics to include social, institutional, and environmental outcomes.

The document provides a systematic analysis of how to measure people's thoughts and feelings about migrating. It introduces a conceptual model that deconstructs survey questions into five components: nature of the mindset, temporality of the mindset, nature of the action, temporality of the action, and conditionality. Through a review of over 50 surveys and field testing in Cabo Verde, the author argues that binary questions are generally more reliable than open-ended or scale-based ones and emphasizes the importance of distinguishing between preferences, expectations, and considerations of migration.

The document argues that standard quantitative and qualitative methods often fail to capture the non-linear, asymmetric, and multi-layered nature of the migration-development nexus. It presents QCA as a solution that identifies 'necessary and sufficient conditions' and 'equifinality' (multiple paths to the same outcome). The authors provide a guide to QCA implementation—covering calibration, consistency, and coverage—and review three case studies at the macro (EU sanctions in Africa), meso (agricultural change in China), and micro (internet penetration in Ghana) levels to demonstrate the method's utility. It concludes that QCA should be triangulated with other methods to provide robust evidence for policy.

Between 1989 and 2018, Yemen experienced 59 ceasefires linked to territorial and governmental conflicts. These are categorized into three peace process phases: Qatari-mediated efforts during the Saada wars (2007–2009), the GCC and UN-mediated transition (2011), and UN-led processes since 2015, including the 2018 Stockholm Agreement. Additionally, 31 ceasefires occurred outside formal peace processes, primarily for humanitarian aid or prisoner exchanges, and 18 were concluded between non-state actors.

The document analyzes the transition from a fragmented national regulatory landscape to a harmonized EU-wide framework for civil drones. It details the key regulations that entered into force in 2019, the role of the European Aviation Safety Agency (EASA), and the development of 'U-Space' for automated air navigation. The brief also addresses the challenges of balancing rapid technological growth with safety, privacy, and civil-military coordination in European airspace.

The research uses an electronic survey of 1,414 urban Indian respondents to analyze what motivates hostile attitudes and the approval of violence in the Hindu-Muslim conflict. The study finds that security concerns for the future are the strongest predictors of hostility, while positive personal experiences with the out-group correlate with reduced hostility. In contrast, past experiences of violence do not systematically perpetuate hostility, and family histories of forced relocation are robustly associated with a non-adversarial outlook. Using Finite Mixture Models, the author determines that 'bottom-up' mechanisms (security concerns and prejudice) account for 82% of the sample, suggesting that individual-level dynamics are more influential than top-down elite manipulation for the majority of the population.

The briefing examines the role of the Islamic State (IS) as a driver of global conflict, noting that IS-related conflicts constituted approximately one third of all civil conflicts over the past five years. It argues that IS increases conflict complexity and polarization, making peace agreements less likely. Analysis of IS in Syria and Iraq reveals a strategy that prioritizes fighting over economic development and targets Sunni-dominated areas and petroleum-rich border regions. The authors conclude that these patterns make IS a persistent threat in other resource-rich countries with uncontrolled hinterlands, such as Libya, Chad, Niger, and Nigeria.

The European Defence Fund (EDF) represents a significant shift in EU policy, marking the first time the Union directly invests public funds into military technologies. With an estimated 13 billion euro allocated for 2021-2027, the fund aims to enhance the European Defence Technological and Industrial Base (EDTIB) and achieve 'strategic autonomy' by funding cutting-edge research and interoperable capabilities. A specific portion (4% to 8%) is dedicated to 'disruptive technologies,' such as artificial intelligence and robotics. However, the initiative faces criticism over the potential for 'corporate capture' by the defence industry, a lack of transparency in fund management, and a perceived shift in the EU's identity from a peace project to a military investor.

The document provides a comprehensive glossary of terms for the MIGNEX project, focusing on the 'migration–development nexus'. It advocates for a nuanced approach to migration, replacing simple forced/voluntary dichotomies with models based on aspirations and abilities. It defines development as a multi-dimensional process of expanding human capabilities and introduces 'specific developments' as concrete societal changes that influence migration decisions. The guide also outlines the relationship between migration policy, development policy, and policy coherence.

The document introduces ACLED data on political violence targeting women (PVTW), defining it as the use of physical force by groups with political motivations in the public sphere. The analysis reveals that while sexual violence is a significant threat, non-sexual attacks are the most commonly reported type of PVTW globally. The brief highlights regional variations in both the types of violence and the perpetrators, noting that anonymous armed groups are the most frequent offenders overall, while state forces, political militias, and mobs dominate in specific regions. The authors argue that understanding these patterns is essential for evidence-based Women, Peace and Security (WPS) policies and for achieving 'security equality' by recognizing women as active political agents rather than mere victims.

The paper examines Zambia's experience in coordinating diverse international public funds for climate adaptation and mitigation. It identifies that while multilateral donors have helped establish early coordination frameworks, competing approaches between major donors like the World Bank and UNDP have led to institutional fragmentation and 'turf' struggles. The study highlights that coordination practices often evolve from previous development aid structures and identifies critical knowledge gaps, including the lack of a geo-located project database and insufficient coordination with international NGOs and domestic financing sources.

The text explores the relationship between institutional investors and corporate behavior in conflict-affected areas, specifically using Norway's sovereign wealth fund as a case study to assess the potential for large-scale investment management to promote peace.

The report examines how environmental issues in Cyprus can either exacerbate conflict or serve as a tool for peacebuilding. It analyzes the political, legal, and administrative asymmetries between the Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriot administration, highlighting how these divisions hinder holistic ecosystem management. The document details various levels of cooperation, from intergovernmental bodies like the UN and EU to academic networks and grassroots movements. It specifically evaluates the roles of the Cyprus Environmental Forum (CESF) and the Bicommunal Technical Committee for the Environment (BTCE). The report concludes with proposals for sustainable bi-communal initiatives, including the establishment of a Peace Park in the buffer zone, UNESCO Biosphere Reserves, and a bi-communal ecological study center in Varisea.

The report examines environmental cooperation in Cyprus, highlighting how political division creates administrative and legal asymmetries that hinder nature conservation. It analyzes various levels of cooperation—from intergovernmental bodies like the UN and EU to civil society and technical committees—and proposes specific peace-building measures such as a Buffer Zone Peace Park and UNESCO Biosphere Reserves.

The report examines the state of higher education in divided Cyprus, finding that while universities have grown rapidly on both sides, intercommunal academic cooperation remains negligible. It identifies the lack of official recognition of Turkish Cypriot universities by the Republic of Cyprus as a primary structural barrier, alongside political pressures and the risk of being labeled a 'traitor'. The authors argue that while individual academics may be willing to collaborate, institutional cooperation is blocked by state policies. The report suggests several policy interventions, including the creation of a shared digital database of researchers, funding for joint research in non-political fields, and the establishment of a technical committee for higher education to signal political approval for cooperation.

The report examines the systemic lack of cooperation between higher education institutions in the divided north and south of Cyprus. It identifies the 'recognition' issue—specifically the Republic of Cyprus's refusal to recognize universities in the north—as the primary structural barrier to institutional collaboration. While some individual academics and NGOs like the Cyprus Academic Dialogue (CAD) have fostered ties, official exchange remains nearly non-existent. The document proposes a series of policy recommendations, including the creation of a shared academic database, financial grants for bi-communal research, and the establishment of a technical committee for higher education to signal political support for cooperation.

The ACT project examines how cultural and religious diversity shapes active citizenship in Oslo and Copenhagen. It argues that normative definitions of 'good citizenship' often overlook informal, private, and religious forms of engagement. The research highlights that socio-economic divisions within cities often create more significant differences in civic participation than national differences between Norway and Denmark. It also explores the role of life events, such as trauma or exclusion, as catalysts for civic action and proposes 'moderate inclusivism' as a framework for integrating religious arguments into public deliberation.

The document outlines how Turkey, under the AKP, has shifted its foreign policy to emphasize historical, cultural, and religious links with 'kin communities' (akraba topluluklar) across Europe, the Middle East, and the Eastern Mediterranean. It defines the conceptual overlap between diaspora and kin-politics and describes the transition from a racial-ethnic national identity to an 'Islamic-Turkish synthesis' that views Turkey as a 'core country' for the global Muslim community (ummah). The text introduces case studies on Bulgaria, Germany, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Cyprus, and Palestine to analyze how this policy of 'spiritual boundaries' affects host countries and the communities themselves.

The research paper analyzes the 'ambivalent' nature of Turkey-Bulgaria relations, focusing on the AKP's use of the Diyanet (Presidency of Religious Affairs) and other soft power tools to influence Bulgarian Muslims. It details the shift from a coalition between the AKP and the Gülen Movement to an all-out conflict, the exportation of this domestic struggle into Bulgaria, and Turkey's attempts to influence the Bulgarian political arena through parties like DOST. The author argues that Turkey's approach is based on an 'Ottoman legacy' imaginary that often clashes with Bulgarian perceptions of sovereignty and EU membership.