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The author argues that the EU's new Pact on Migration and Asylum represents a victory for immigration hardliners by expanding border procedures and reducing protection standards. The deal maintains the problematic Dublin rules and introduces a 'flexible' solidarity mechanism that allows member states to avoid relocating asylum seekers through financial contributions. The author contends that the pact increases the risk of detention and pushbacks at external borders, particularly impacting Mediterranean countries and refugees, while potentially benefiting smugglers.

The document argues that the pursuit of GDP growth is incompatible with ecological stability and proposes a shift toward 'degrowth' and 'postgrowth' models. It examines the role of new institutions, such as ethical cooperatives and not-for-profit businesses, and discusses policy instruments like working time reduction and the 'Cap and Share' framework. The text also addresses the geopolitical risks of this transition, the rise of eco-fascism, and the need for a just transition for workers and the Global South.

The document examines how the cost-of-living crisis in Europe is driving vulnerable households toward risky, unregulated financial products like buy-now-pay-later schemes and crypto assets. It calls for EU policymakers to update the Consumer Credit Directive (CCD) and the Distance Marketing of Consumer Financial Services Directive (DMFSD) to include better creditworthiness assessments, advertising rules, and debt relief measures to prevent a debt spiral among low-income citizens.

The October 2023 Polish parliamentary elections represent a critical juncture for the country's democratic governance and its relationship with the European Union. The contest pits the ruling nationalist coalition, led by the Law and Justice (PiS) party, against a fragmented but numerically stronger 'democratic opposition' including the Civic Coalition, Poland 2050, the Left, and the Polish People's Party. While PiS and its partner United Poland oppose EU decarbonisation and the Green Deal, the opposition generally supports the green transition and Eurozone accession. A victory for the opposition would necessitate extensive reforms to restore the rule of law and depoliticise state institutions, while a PiS victory would likely continue the undermining of European constitutional values.

The text examines the intersection of the cost-of-living crisis, energy insecurity, and climate change in Europe, arguing that these shocks reveal the failure of the current socioeconomic model. It suggests that Green parties must move beyond austerity or simple redistribution to advocate for public investments in the green transition, decentralized renewable energy cooperatives, and a Green New Deal to ensure social protections and ecological resilience.

The document examines various European initiatives to reduce public transport costs, ranging from temporary low-cost summer passes to permanent free transit. While these measures can alleviate financial pressure on citizens and reduce pollution, the author argues that price reductions alone are insufficient; sustainable mobility requires improved accessibility, simplified tariff systems, and strategic public investment funded by mechanisms like congestion charges or corporate taxes.

The authors contend that inflation in Europe is caused by global supply chain disruptions, the energy crisis, and corporate profit maintenance rather than rising wages. They argue that increasing interest rates risks severe economic damage and unemployment, suggesting instead that the solution lies in price controls, windfall profit taxes, wage indexation, and reducing dependence on global imports through a green transition.

The analysis argues that the UK's economic insecurity is rooted in neoliberalism, which prioritizes individual resilience over collective security. This is evidenced by underinvestment in public infrastructure, the sale of 2.5 million social houses between 1979 and 2022, and a lack of energy storage (four days compared to France's fourteen). In contrast, Finland's approach to housing, energy, and social policy—including a 'housing first' strategy and a basic income pilot—is presented as a model for restoring public confidence and wellbeing. The authors suggest that a cost-neutral universal basic income of approximately £60 per week for single adults could more than halve child and pensioner poverty in the UK.

The Visegrad Group (V4) is experiencing significant fragmentation due to diverging responses to the Russian invasion of Ukraine and differing relationships with the European Union. While Poland, Czechia, and Slovakia generally support Ukraine and NATO expansion, Hungary has obstructed sanctions against Russia and the accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO. The once-strong alliance between Poland's PiS and Hungary's Fidesz was severely shaken by Orbán's ties to Putin, though a tactical reconciliation has emerged based on mutual dependence regarding EU rule-of-law procedures and shared populist narratives. Ultimately, the author argues that Orbán's veto power in the EU has reached its limits, leading him to seek alliances with American Republicans, European far-right fundamentalists, and China to maintain domestic legitimacy and enrich his clientelist network.

The author argues that while the EU views the energy transition as a path to energy security and global leadership, it currently lacks a comprehensive strategic plan. Internally, the EU faces risks of redundant spending and political friction between Western and Eastern member states over the distribution of benefits. Externally, the transition shifts dependencies from fossil fuel imports to critical materials and clean technology competition with the US and China. The document suggests the EU must integrate energy, infrastructure, and industrial policy to secure its markets and maintain stability in its neighborhood.

The document explores the 'anti-green backlash' and the practical dilemmas of the energy transition, focusing on social inequality, territorial disputes over renewables and mining, and the geopolitical implications of critical raw material sourcing. It argues that a just transition requires rebuilding the welfare state, increasing democratic participation, and addressing historical ecological debts to avoid 'eco-apartheid' and political polarisation.

The author contends that inflation in the Eurozone is caused by vulnerability to global shocks—such as the energy crisis and supply chain disruptions—rather than a 'wage-price spiral'. The text criticizes the use of restrictive monetary policies (raising interest rates) as harmful and suggests that companies are maintaining or increasing margins by passing costs to consumers. To counter the decline in the wage share of GDP, the document proposes indexing wages to inflation, taxing superprofits, and investing in domestic transport, housing insulation, and agriculture to reduce reliance on imported inputs.

In Belgium, Green parties in government are addressing a social crisis driven by soaring electricity and gas prices through a three-pronged approach: emergency support for vulnerable households and companies, structural income protections, and investments in the energy transition. Key measures include a 'social rate' price cap for the lowest 20% of the population, a ban on energy disconnections, and the use of windfall taxes on energy companies to fund offshore wind developments and building renovations. The strategy aims to reduce dependence on Russian gas and achieve carbon neutrality while ensuring social justice and the 'power to live with dignity'.

The report examines the failures of water privatisation in Europe, citing infrastructure decay and high profits in the UK and France, while highlighting successful re-municipalisation in Paris and public resistance in Greece, Ireland, and Italy. It advocates for public ownership and cross-border cooperation to manage water as a public security issue and a public good, rather than a commodity, to effectively adapt to climate change.

Young people in Italy face a structural crisis characterized by precarious employment, high poverty rates, and a lack of social housing, which prevents them from achieving independence. The document highlights that 11% of young people aged 18-34 lived in absolute poverty in 2021, and the average age for leaving the parental home is 29.9 years. This economic instability is compounded by a political class that the author argues ignores youth needs, leading to high electoral abstention and a vacuum filled by right-wing rhetoric. The resulting insecurity is linked to deteriorating mental health, including anxious-depression and social isolation.

The author contends that the EU's adherence to strict debt-to-GDP ratios and austerity has undermined public services, lowered living standards, and hindered the energy transition. The text calls for a shift away from the 'fiscal straitjacket' of the Maastricht criteria toward a framework that empowers national governments and the European Commission to invest in carbon emission reductions and social infrastructure.

The author contends that Europe's energy scarcity is a long-term reality that cannot be solved by new fossil fuels or nuclear power, necessitating a shift toward 'energy sobriety'. This approach distinguishes itself from energy efficiency by focusing on the fair distribution of energy reduction rather than technical innovation. The text explores historical precedents for rationing in France and the Netherlands to argue that collective sufficiency is feasible. Proposed mechanisms for a just transition include progressive energy tariffs—where essential use is cheap and misuse is expensive—and personal carbon quotas to ensure equitable distribution and prevent social conflict during the energy transition.

The report examines the impact of housing commodification in European cities, contrasting the neoliberal policies of the UK and Germany with the social housing models of Vienna, France, and Barcelona. It highlights how public investment and political commitment to housing as a human right, rather than a market asset, lead to lower rent burdens and better urban quality of life.

The island of Ventotene has established a renewable energy community to combat rising energy costs and foster local autonomy. Initiated during the pandemic by a PhD student and supported by the local government, the project aims to transform residents from consumers into 'prosumers' who own and share local energy production. The community emphasizes a redistributive model where businesses with high solar capacity, such as hotels, can support individuals and small businesses. Despite its success as a 'laboratory for innovation,' the project faced delays due to Italian legislative instability and technical grid connection issues. The case highlights a broader Italian context where 38 communities are recognized and 65 are planned, supported by EU funding via the National Recovery and Resilience Plan, though Italy remains behind some European neighbors in implementation speed.

The text examines the intersection of the cost of living crisis, geopolitical shocks, and climate change in Europe, advocating for a 'social core' to the Green New Deal to ensure a just energy transition.