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The authors contend that Russia's current climate pledges are insufficient and that the government must acknowledge the global shift away from coal to protect its coal-producing regions, particularly Kuzbass, from economic disruption. While Russia is a top global coal exporter, the authors warn that the collapse of the global coal development pipeline and policies like the EU's carbon border adjustment mechanism threaten the sector's viability. They advocate for proactive economic diversification and a managed phase-out to support workers and the global 1.5°C target.

The document argues that demand-side flexibility (DSF) is essential for integrating intermittent renewables and managing the electrification of transport, buildings, and industry. It highlights that while large industrial users have traditionally provided flexibility, residential and small business consumers have significant untapped potential through assets like electric vehicles (EVs) and heat pumps. Using the UK as a primary example, the brief identifies barriers such as inadequate economic signals and passive consumer behavior, and suggests enablers including smart metering, market reform, and digital aggregation platforms. For China, the authors recommend a 'hybrid approach' combining market-based pricing with administrative scheduling to transition away from a reliance on coal-fired power for system flexibility, while emphasizing the need for pilots to understand consumer preferences.

The document argues that demand-side flexibility (DSF) is essential for integrating intermittent renewables and managing the electrification of transport and buildings. It identifies barriers such as inadequate economic signals and consumer passivity, while highlighting enablers like smart metering, digital aggregation platforms, and the need to align services with consumer preferences. For China, the brief suggests a transition from coal-based flexibility to decarbonised sources, proposing a hybrid approach combining market prices with administrative merit orders to manage distributed energy resources.

The Russian coal sector provides a low economic contribution to the national GDP but maintains high social and political significance, particularly in regions like Kuzbass. Despite this, the sector is heavily reliant on indirect state subsidies and faces a deteriorating infrastructure, with the average age of coal power plants reaching 53 years. The report highlights a disconnect between the Russian government's expectations of export growth and the reality of decarbonization trends in key markets such as the EU, China, and India. It argues that Russia lacks an official decarbonization scenario and that conservative views currently dominate policy, ignoring the risks of stranded assets and the impact of the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). The authors propose a 'just transition' framework consisting of social programs for workers, regional economic diversification, and the introduction of an internal carbon price.

The document examines the dominance of coal in the Kuzbass region, the environmental and health impacts of this industry, and the Russian government's current diversification strategies. It argues that while the government has initiated diversification plans, these remain focused on fossil fuels and matured sectors, neglecting renewable energy and innovative industries. The author suggests that substantive transition is unlikely until global coal demand drops sharply.

The paper argues that while coal is insignificant to Russia's national GDP, it is critical to regional economies like Kuzbass. It criticizes official diversification plans for continuing to rely on extractive industries and instead proposes five innovative low-carbon pathways: utilizing abandoned mines for geothermal heating and energy storage, developing wind and solar PV, producing solid biofuels, establishing Green Special Economic Zones (GSEZ), and supporting small business entrepreneurship.

The Russian coal sector provides a negligible contribution to the national GDP but remains politically significant due to regional employment and historical stability concerns. While the Russian government continues to anticipate growth in coal exports, particularly to Asia, the report argues that this is unrealistic given the global low-carbon transition, the obsolescence of Russia's coal-fired power fleet, and the increasing competitiveness of renewable energy. The document highlights that the sector is heavily reliant on indirect government subsidies, such as reduced rail tariffs. It proposes a three-part just transition framework consisting of social re-employment programmes, regional economic diversification (especially in the Kuzbass region), and the implementation of a domestic carbon price to internalize environmental costs.

The author uses the work of Marcel Boiteux and the 'three domains' framework to critique modern climate economics for neglecting the role of finance and the complexities of real-world implementation. By examining Boiteux's contributions to electricity pricing and the Ramsey-Boiteux rule, the text argues that economic analysis should serve as a 'negotiation language' to align technical efficiency with political goals and financial realities, particularly to bridge the gap between the 'North's' focus on carbon pricing and the 'South's' need for finance.

The Climate Friendly Materials Platform argues that the EU's proposed CBAM design needs refinements to create an effective investment framework for the green transition. They propose a combined package consisting of a climate contribution on basic material production and imports, free allowance allocations for firms with climate neutrality transition plans, and EU-scale carbon contracts for difference to cover incremental investment costs. The researchers contend that while free allowances are controversial, they can achieve both environmental and industrial policy objectives when integrated with the other two elements. They suggest the CBAM's transition period and use of default values provide a mechanism to incorporate these refinements until an international agreement on carbon pricing is reached.

The proposal argues that the European Green Deal requires an effective CBAM to prevent carbon leakage and ensure carbon price signals drive industrial investment. It suggests a three-pillar approach: a 'climate contribution' based on carbon intensity benchmarks to ensure carbon costs are reflected in material prices; the EU ETS with conditional free allowance allocation to incentivise carbon efficiency; and Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCfDs) to support investments in clean production and recycling. The authors contend that these elements must work together to avoid trade conflicts, limit administrative complexity, and provide the revenue necessary to fund the transition across all European industrial regions.

The document identifies three primary discourses regarding the Russian coal industry: a conservative 'keep coal' vision supported by political leadership, a 'low-carbon trend' approach focused on global competitiveness, and a 'local environmental' discourse centered on pollution and health. None of these discourses advocate for a coal phase-out. The author notes that Russia's coal industry is increasingly dependent on Asian demand, particularly China, and fluctuating global prices, which may lead to economic disadvantage for coal communities and subsequent social unrest. The political leadership currently uses subsidies to prevent instability, while the document suggests that a domestic debate on phase-out and economic diversification could mitigate long-term adverse consequences.

The document identifies three primary narratives in Russia: a dominant 'keep coal' discourse supported by political leadership, an emerging 'low-carbon trend' discourse focused on economic competitiveness, and a 'local environmental' discourse centered on pollution and health. It concludes that while external pressures like the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and declining demand are increasing, there is currently no active 'coal phase-out' or 'just transition' discourse within Russian national politics.

The document identifies three primary discourses in Russia: a dominant 'keep coal' vision supported by political leadership, an economically-driven 'low-carbon trend' discourse, and a 'local environmental' discourse focused on pollution and health. It concludes that while external pressures like the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and declining demand may force long-term adjustments, there is currently no active 'coal phase-out' discourse or just transition planning in Russia, leaving coal communities vulnerable to economic instability.

The report argues that carbon dioxide removal (CDR) should be treated as a public service, similar to sewage treatment, because most CDR technologies do not generate independent revenue. It identifies a massive implementation gap between projected removal volumes and current policies, noting that while nature-based solutions are cheaper, they lack the permanence of technological options like Direct Air Carbon Capture and Storage (DACCS) and Bio-energy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS). The authors recommend a mix of public subsidies for research, design, development and demonstration (RDD&D), carbon pricing, and the use of Article 6 of the Paris Agreement to create a credible investment environment. It also highlights the role of voluntary private sector commitments, though it warns of a 'wild west' situation in the voluntary carbon market due to inconsistent monitoring, reporting and verification (MRV) standards.

The document examines five major industrial clusters in Belgium and the Netherlands, highlighting their economic significance and high greenhouse gas emissions. It argues that because each cluster's governance and industrial makeup differ, 'tailor-made policy' is required rather than generic instruments. The brief identifies the Antwerp-Rotterdam-Rhine-Ruhr Area (ARRRA) as a critical meta-cluster connected by extensive pipeline infrastructure. It recommends a multi-level governance approach where cluster authorities handle local planning and implementation, while national and EU bodies provide high-level coordination, regulatory frameworks, and the bulk of the financing for the transition to net-zero by 2050.

Colombia has committed to reducing GHG emissions by 51% by 2030 and reaching carbon neutrality by 2050. While the government has developed a robust legal framework for climate mitigation and adaptation, the report finds a critical gap in Just Transition planning. Massive layoffs are already occurring in the thermal coal sector due to falling international prices and the shift toward renewables, yet the government has not implemented specific policy responses to support affected workers. Similarly, conservation efforts in the AFOLU sector, particularly the expansion of protected areas and páramo ecosystems, threaten the livelihoods of informal rural workers and ethnic communities. The report concludes that Colombia's Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) system lacks the capacity to track social welfare and employment impacts, and recommends urgent, regionally differentiated strategies for economic diversification and worker retraining.

The report examines how developing nations can adapt the 'just transition' framework—traditionally focused on developed economies—to their unique socio-economic contexts, particularly regarding high levels of informal employment. Through case studies in Indonesia, Ghana, and Colombia, it finds that awareness of just transition is low among government officials and that Covid-19 responses have generally not been linked to climate mitigation or adaptation strategies. The document argues for a multidimensional approach that places workers and marginalized communities at the center of decision-making and provides guidelines for national governments to build institutional foundations and participatory processes for a fair low-carbon transition.

The report examines the challenges and opportunities of implementing just transition (JT) frameworks in developing nations, highlighting the critical role of the informal economy and the need for context-specific definitions. Through case studies in Colombia, Ghana, and Indonesia, it finds that while some governments are beginning to incorporate JT into climate plans—most notably Colombia in its revised NDCs—awareness remains low and inter-ministerial coordination is often lacking. The document emphasizes that COVID-19 recovery packages have generally not been linked to climate mitigation or adaptation strategies. It provides guidelines for national governments to foster inclusive decision-making, build institutional capacity, and engage marginalized groups, including informal workers and traditional leaders.

The report finds that while most informal sector workers and traditional leaders in Ghana observe clear climate change signals, they are largely excluded from the development of national climate policies and have minimal knowledge of 'just transition' strategies. It highlights that COVID-19 restrictions severely impacted informal businesses, with many unable to access government stimulus packages due to lack of documentation or political patronage. The study recommends formalizing the role of Traditional Councils and worker associations in climate policy to ensure a more inclusive and sustainable transition.

The report examines the application of just transition principles in developing countries, highlighting the need for context-specific definitions and the inclusion of the informal economy. Through case studies in Indonesia, Ghana, and Colombia, it finds that while awareness of just transition varies—with Colombia being the only one to explicitly include it in its revised NDC—there is a general lack of practical application and cross-ministerial coordination. The document emphasizes that Covid-19 responses have not yet been linked to climate strategies and recommends a participatory, co-produced approach to policy development to ensure marginalized groups are not left behind.