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The document examines Germany's transition toward a feminist foreign policy (FFP) specifically within its engagement with Africa, focusing on the BMZ's 2023 Africa Strategy. While it acknowledges the strategy's commitment to overcoming structural inequalities and aligning with African-led priorities like Agenda 2063, it argues that the 'feminist reflex' is currently limited to international development and fails to systematically penetrate other critical domains such as peace and security, trade, climate change, and migration. The author suggests that for FFP to be truly transformative, Germany must move beyond gender equality platitudes to address the care economy, indigenous knowledge in climate action, and the racialized nature of migration policy.

The paper examines the transformation of German-African energy relations, moving from a focus on energy poverty and development aid to a complex mix of energy diplomacy, strategic resource interests, and hydrogen technology. It highlights a tension between 'green objectives' (renewables) and 'fossilist objectives' (LNG imports), while warning against 'energy colonialism' in large-scale projects. The author advocates for a transition toward 'energy justice' and a value-chain approach to hydrogen to ensure equitable benefits for African nations.

The report examines the challenges facing Nigeria's energy transition, noting that economic crises and security issues have marginalised climate action in political discourse. It suggests that the government can drive renewable energy adoption by reinstating VAT and import duty exemptions for solar components and by completing the Presidential Power Initiative to improve grid stability. The author argues for a realistic energy vision that avoids suboptimal pathways and leverages existing agricultural networks for climate-smart interventions.

The analysis finds that while Ghanaian communities actively employ local knowledge for climate-smart agriculture and waste management, their efforts are hindered by limited access to financial resources, technical support, and national policy guidelines. It argues that Ghana's national adaptation goals, including those in its NDCs, can be better achieved by delegating authority and funding to local actors and integrating indigenous practices into national strategies.

The document examines Senegal's climate adaptation framework, highlighting the alignment between its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) and the Senegal Emerging Plan for 2035. While progress is noted in sectoral adaptation plans for fisheries and livestock, and local communities have successfully implemented projects in agriculture, coastal protection, and health, significant gaps remain. Key challenges include a lack of evidence-based knowledge, insufficient integration of indigenous practices into national policy, and a substantial financing gap, with NDC needs estimated at USD 14.5 billion by 2030.

The document evaluates Nigeria's climate adaptation landscape, contrasting high-level national policy frameworks with iterative, indigenous practices at the local level. While Nigeria has established ambitious frameworks like the National Adaptation Plan (NAP) and the Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), implementation is hindered by a 'top-down approach' that excludes local stakeholders, alongside gaps in finance, technology, and capacity. Case studies in Ogun, Lagos, and Anambra states demonstrate that local communities are already implementing Nature-based Solutions (NbSs) and traditional adaptation methods—such as biogas production from cassava waste and the use of bitter leaf juice in aquaculture—that align with national goals despite a lack of formal policy awareness. The authors argue that integrating these locally-led initiatives into national frameworks is essential to prevent climate impacts from increasing GDP losses from 5% to 30% by 2050.

The document analyzes Senegal's climate adaptation landscape, noting a shift toward sectoral and territorial approaches. While the government has launched initiatives like the Local Climate Adaptive Living Facility (LoCAL) to integrate indigenous practices, significant gaps remain in financing, evidence-based knowledge, and the inclusion of community-led strategies. Case studies in Daga Birame, Dionewar, and Widdou Thingolly illustrate the capacity of local communities to implement adaptation measures in agriculture, coastal protection, and health, despite limited central government support.

The AfCFTA aims to boost intra-African trade by eliminating 97% of tariff lines, but commercially significant trade is delayed primarily by ongoing negotiations on Rules of Origin (RoO). To maintain momentum, the Guided Trade Initiative (GTI) was launched in October 2022 as a pilot involving eight countries: Cameroon, Egypt, Ghana, Kenya, Mauritius, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Tunisia. While political will is high and many countries have developed national implementation strategies, challenges remain, including clashes between national interests and pan-African goals, dependence on external donor funding for expertise, and concerns over productive capacity disparities. The document highlights that 'smaller' countries fear domination by 'bigger' economies like South Africa, Egypt, and Nigeria, while some, such as Kenya, anticipate significant tariff revenue losses. Recommendations include seeking political solutions to stalled technical negotiations, institutionalising support through African multilaterals like the AfDB and Afreximbank, and coordinating industrial policies to build complementary production structures across the continent.

The European Green Deal (EGD) offers the African private sector significant opportunities in green hydrogen production and the supply of critical raw materials, driven by the EU's need for energy security and supply chain diversification. While various funding instruments like InvestEU and the Global Gateway Africa-Europe Investment Package exist, the report warns of a potential 'unequal partnership' where Africa remains a mere resource supplier. It emphasizes the need for African stakeholders to proactively engage in technology transfer and co-creation to avoid lock-in effects and ensure inclusive growth.

The document explores how the European Green Deal (EGD) creates opportunities for the African private sector, particularly in green hydrogen and critical minerals, while warning against a return to a resource-supplier relationship. It details various EU funding mechanisms, technology transfer possibilities, and capacity-building programs, providing recommendations for African governments and companies to proactively engage with the EU to ensure an equal partnership.

The document argues that Nigeria's insecurity is primarily driven by economic failure, poverty, and the rent-seeking practices of the political elite. It details regional security threats—ranging from jihadist violence in the North-East to oil theft in the South-South—and links them to a lack of state capacity, evidenced by failed infrastructure projects and mismanagement of COVID-19 relief. The author contends that high unemployment (33%) and multidimensional poverty (affecting 63% of the population) create a cycle where poverty drives crime, which in turn discourages investment. The paper concludes that without a shift toward selfless leadership and growth-oriented policies, the 2023 elections are unlikely to break this cycle of instability.

The author contends that Nigeria's security crises are fundamentally linked to its economic situation, where systemic poverty—exacerbated by political mismanagement and state failure—drives citizens toward crime. The paper details regional security threats, from jihadist violence in the North-East to oil theft in the South-South, and identifies specific failures such as the ineffective fuel subsidy regime, lack of infrastructure investment, and high youth unemployment. It concludes that without a shift toward selfless leadership and growth-oriented policies, the 2023 elections are unlikely to break this cycle of instability.

This research paper analyzes Nigeria's foreign policy under President Buhari, arguing that a persistent conflict between regional aspirations and domestic policy instincts has hindered the country's economic and diplomatic goals. The author highlights how domestic measures, such as land border closures and a delay in ratifying the AfCFTA, contradicted Nigeria's stated goals of regional integration and economic growth.

The document analyzes the foreign policy of Nigeria under President Buhari, highlighting a lack of coherence between domestic goals and regional aspirations. Key issues discussed include the 2019 land border closures, which aimed to curb smuggling but increased food inflation and harmed regional trade; the delayed ratification of the AfCFTA due to domestic productivity concerns; and the decline of the oil sector caused by insecurity and poor governance, which deterred foreign direct investment. It also evaluates the role of the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM) in managing relations with Nigerians abroad amidst increasing economic migration.

The document examines the 2023 Nigerian elections, highlighting the role of ethno-regional configurations over ideology and the specific platforms of the APC, PDP, Labour Party, and NNPP. It assesses how different winners would impact domestic security, economic policy—specifically regarding oil and fuel subsidies—and Nigeria's energy relationship with Europe.

The report assesses Senegal's climate adaptation landscape, highlighting a disconnect between top-down national policies and effective, endogenous community-led actions. While case studies in agriculture, coastal zones, and health demonstrate that local initiatives are well-aligned with NDC goals, they suffer from a lack of direct funding and institutional recognition. The document argues for a paradigm shift toward Locally Led Adaptation (LLA) to enhance the sustainability and efficiency of the country's climate resilience efforts.

The report assesses Ghana's climate adaptation landscape, highlighting a gap between national policy frameworks and local implementation. While Ghana has established comprehensive strategies like the updated NDCs and the National Climate Change Policy, funding is heavily skewed toward mitigation (87.4%) over adaptation (3.4%). Through three case studies in the Savannah, Upper East, and coastal regions, the study demonstrates that locally led adaptation (LLA)—such as organic shea processing, climate-smart agriculture, and community-based disaster risk reduction—effectively reduces vulnerability and improves livelihoods. However, LLA is hindered by limited financial resources, weak institutional coordination, and a top-down decision-making approach. The report recommends devolving financial resources, integrating traditional knowledge into policy, and fostering participatory decision-making to enhance climate resilience.

The report argues that while Nigeria has comprehensive national adaptation frameworks, there is a significant gap between high-level policy and local implementation. It highlights that locally led adaptation (LLA) is already occurring through community-driven initiatives in biogas production, aquaculture, and erosion control, but these efforts are hindered by a lack of finance, technical capacity, and political will. The authors advocate for a shift from 'top-down' approaches to those that empower frontline communities to lead the design and monitoring of adaptation actions.

The report warns African nations against relying on fossil fuel investments, citing the 'green paradox' and the risk of stranded assets in Mozambique and Tanzania. It advocates for a strategic shift toward clean energy value chains and the use of COP27 to mobilise funding for domestic energy needs, rather than focusing on gas extraction for the Global North.

The document asserts that Africa requires novel equitable climate financing and that developed nations must fulfill previous financial promises. It argues that global decarbonisation agendas must incorporate African perspectives to be considered just. Additionally, it highlights the need for equitable urban climate adaptation governance and locally led, resilient food governance to combat food insecurity driven by the climate crisis, geopolitical tensions, and commodity price increases.