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In a speech delivered on 3 September 2012, Deputy Minister Ebrahim outlined South Africa's foreign policy and its role within the UN Security Council (UNSC), specifically regarding peace and security in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). He advocated for the pacific settlement of disputes over military intervention, criticized the use of the veto by permanent UNSC members, and called for the reform of the Council to include permanent representation for Africa and Latin America.

The September 2012 Peace and Security Council Report by the Institute for Security Studies provides analysis on early warning issues in Africa, focusing on the electoral risks in Kenya, the democratic transition in Egypt, and a retrospective of the 19th African Union (AU) Summit.

This research paper by the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) evaluates whether South Africa's 'African Agenda' and 'diplomacy of Ubuntu' align with its national interests and constitutional values. The author argues that South Africa is over-extended in its international engagements, often creating contradictions between its commitments to human rights and its strategic partnerships with authoritarian states.

This research paper examines the bilateral relationship between South Africa and Nigeria, highlighting a mix of strong economic ties and diplomatic tensions. It argues for the institutionalization of their cooperation to move beyond the influence of individual leaders and to better address regional and global challenges.

This research paper analyzes South Africa's voting patterns and foreign policy achievements during its first (2007-2008) and second (2011-2012) terms as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). The author assesses the country's progress toward its 'African Agenda,' including goals of South-South and North-South cooperation and the pursuit of permanent African representation on the Council.

This research paper analyzes South Africa's voting patterns and foreign policy achievements during its first (2007-2008) and second (2011-2012) terms as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council (UNSC). The author finds that South Africa has become more confident, increasing its co-sponsorship of resolutions and successfully promoting its 'African Agenda,' particularly regarding cooperation between the UNSC and the African Union (AU).

This policy brief by the South African Institute of International Affairs examines the failure of the Kimberley Process (KP) to address human rights abuses and smuggling in Zimbabwe's Marange diamond fields. It argues that the KP's narrow definition of 'conflict diamonds'—which only covers rebel groups—is inadequate when abuses are perpetrated by state security forces. The authors call for a reform of the KP's definitions and monitoring mechanisms to include government accountability.

This research paper analyzes the strategic challenges and opportunities facing South Africa during its second year as a member of the UN Security Council, focusing on its efforts to lead the African agenda and manage relations with other African states.

This report documents the 5th African Conference of Commandants (ACoC), held from 28–30 November 2011 in Gaborone, Botswana. The conference brought together commandants from African Staff Colleges to discuss the impact of globalisation on human rights, the proliferation of small arms, gender equality in the military, and the standardisation of military education to support the African Standby Force (ASF) and peace support operations (PSOs).

This 2012 guide by the Institute for Security Studies provides a comprehensive reference for African State representatives negotiating the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) at the United Nations. It details the proposed scope of the treaty, including categories of conventional arms and types of international transactions, and outlines the criteria for authorizing arms transfers, such as risks to peace, security, and human rights. The toolkit also examines implementation requirements, including national authority systems, record-keeping, reporting, and the potential role of an Implementation Support Unit, while highlighting existing African regional and subregional obligations.

This December 2011 report by the Institute for Security Studies provides security analyses and early warning assessments for the African Union Peace and Security Council (PSC). It focuses on the fragile post-election landscape in Liberia, escalating border conflicts and humanitarian crises between Sudan and South Sudan, the expanding threat of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) across the Sahel, and political instability in Burundi. Additionally, it examines the partnership and occasional divergences between the PSC and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

In a speech delivered on November 10, 2011, at the South African Institute of International Affairs, French Minister of Foreign and European Affairs Alain Juppé discussed the necessity of a new global governance framework that integrates Africa's emerging influence. He outlined four primary shared challenges—economic crisis, development, security, and the environment—and advocated for the reform of the UN Security Council and the creation of a World Environment Organisation to better reflect current global realities.

The October 2011 PSC Report by the Institute for Security Studies provides analysis on peace and security issues across Africa, focusing on the volatile situation in Darfur, the rise of Boko Haram in Nigeria, and political instability and terrorism threats in Niger. It also details the upcoming African Union Commission elections and regional counter-terrorism efforts.

This research paper reviews a 'final draft' White Paper dated 13 May 2011 titled 'Building a Better World: The Diplomacy of Ubuntu', which outlines South Africa's foreign policy objectives. The author characterizes the document as a 'mechanical rehash' of existing policy that relies on clichés and platitudes without specifying how its objectives will be achieved.

One year after hosting the 2010 FIFA World Cup, South Africa is urged to leverage the 'soft power' and international prestige gained from the event to address 'hard' geopolitical issues in Africa. The author suggests utilizing South Africa's roles in SADC, the AU, and the UNSC to resolve stalemates in Zimbabwe and Madagascar, and to address conflicts in Somalia, Darfur, and Abyei, while pushing for more decisive African-led solutions to avoid Western intervention as seen in Libya and Cote d’Ivoire.

This statement by the Institute for Security Studies argues that African Union (AU) member states should adopt a positive approach toward the International Criminal Court (ICC) during the 17th Ordinary Session of Heads of State. The author contends that while some states express misgivings about the court's focus on Africa, the ICC remains a vital tool for ending impunity where national systems fail, and that AU decisions shielding leaders from arrest undermine the international rule of law.

In a statement delivered on 20 June 2011, Dame Nicola Brewer, the British High Commissioner to South Africa, outlines the evolving relationship between the United Kingdom and South Africa. She emphasizes a shift in the UK's perception of Africa from a 'problem' to a 'partner,' highlighting shared democratic values, economic opportunities, and a commitment to mutual growth and regional integration.

This research paper analyzes South Africa's decision to vote in favor of UN Security Council Resolution 1973 regarding military intervention in Libya. The author argues that South Africa failed to foresee how the resolution would be used by NATO to pursue regime change rather than solely protecting civilians, suggesting that South Africa may not yet be prepared for the responsibilities of a permanent Security Council seat.

This policy briefing by the South African Institute of International Affairs examines the African Union's (AU) principle of rejecting unconstitutional changes of government. It analyzes the 'democrat's dilemma'—the tension between maintaining constitutional order and supporting popular uprisings against authoritarian regimes—specifically in the context of the 2011 Maghreb revolutions.

This research paper analyzes the causes of popular uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa to draw parallels and warnings for the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa, arguing that constitutional democracy alone is insufficient to prevent street protests if the government remains unresponsive to the needs of the citizenry.