Search Climate Insights Directory

The document argues that climate compatible development (CCD) planning in developing countries is often skewed toward external accountability to secure international finance, which can lead to ineffective domestic outcomes. To address this, the authors analyze experiences from the Rio Conventions and Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) processes, recommending multi-stakeholder engagement, evidence-based planning, wide communication, integrated planning across sectors and scales, and robust monitoring and evaluation to ensure that CCD strategies address real domestic needs while meeting international standards.

The document analyzes the failure to complete multiple phases of the DDR process in the DRC, noting that ongoing violence in the eastern region and a lack of political will have hindered stability. It highlights the tension between 'brassage' (retraining and deployment) and 'mixage' (local integration) and argues that the FARDC's security sector reform cannot succeed without the effective completion of DDR. The report details the roles of international bodies like MONUSCO and the World Bank, while criticizing the Congolese government's preference for operational equipment over institutional accountability and the fragmented approach of bilateral donors.

The paper challenges the finding that warming is robustly linked to civil war in Sub-Saharan Africa by replicating and testing the model used by Burke et al. (2009). Through influence diagnostics, alternative operationalizations of civil war, and expanded sample periods, the authors find that the reported positive effect of temperature is tenuous and often disappears. The analysis suggests that the original results were driven by a few influential observations involving foreign intervention and that climate variables provide negligible predictive power compared to country-specific fixed effects and time trends.

The 4th African Conference of Commandants, held in November 2010 in Uganda, focused on enhancing the efficiency of multinational peace support operations (PSOs) in Africa. The conference aimed to harmonize civilian, police, and military functions to support the African Standby Force (ASF). Delegates reviewed the status of multidimensionality in peacekeeping, analyzed the African Union Mission in Somalia, and developed a strategy to consolidate previous workplans for the coming year.

The document examines the rise of Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) and the challenges they pose to state monopolies on force. It argues that while PMSCs offer specialized skills and logistical support that could enhance African peacekeeping and Security Sector Reform (SSR), a critical lack of a binding international legal framework leads to accountability gaps and human rights abuses. The author distinguishes PMSCs from mercenaries and advocates for a supportive, non-offensive role for these companies, regulated by international law to prevent impunity.

The document examines how natural resources—both through abundance and scarcity—fuel social and armed conflicts in Africa. It argues that traditional peace processes often fail by focusing on 'high politics' (like power-sharing) while ignoring the underlying political economy of resource distribution. Using the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (IC/GLR), and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) as examples, the author advocates for integrating natural resource management into diplomatic and mediation frameworks to achieve sustainable peace.

The DRC faces significant hurdles in establishing state authority and territorial integrity, complicated by a stalled decentralisation process and border disputes over oil and gas deposits. The transition from MONUC to MONUSCO represents a symbolic shift toward stabilisation, while the STAREC programme attempts to restore basic institutional infrastructure in conflict zones. Resource governance remains precarious due to illegal mineral trade, lack of monitoring technology for oil exports, and legal disputes over mining contracts involving international corporations.

The document critiques the African Union's (AU) decision to increase AMISOM forces from approximately 6,300 to 8,000 troops following Al-Shabaab bombings in Kampala in July 2010. It argues that the mission lacks the resources and political support necessary to succeed, noting that the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) lacks national legitimacy. Drawing parallels to failures in Afghanistan and previous UN missions in Somalia, the authors suggest that military intervention alone cannot resolve the crisis. They recommend a holistic strategy centered on an all-inclusive political process involving Al-Shabaab, Hizbul Islam, Puntland, and Somaliland, alongside the involvement of regional actors like Ethiopia and Eritrea, before transferring the mandate to a fully resourced UN mission.

The document examines the 'societal nexus' of resource extraction in Africa, where the intersection of state, corporate, and community interests often leads to conflict, poverty, and alienation. It highlights how historical trauma and corruption hinder the establishment of civic peace and transparent governance. Using examples from the DRC, Nigeria, Ghana, and Uganda, the author argues that transforming the 'war of words' and zero-sum competition into a discourse of cooperation and shared learning is essential for sustainable development.

The communiqué from the July 2010 Kampala conference identifies critical areas for improving the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). Key recommendations include the urgent need to fill the vacant CEO position of the APRM Secretariat, the integration of National Programmes of Action (NPOA) into national budgeting and planning, and the requirement for National Governing Councils to maintain institutional independence with a non-executive majority. The document emphasizes that while twelve countries had completed reviews by 2010, the pace of accession and execution remains slow, urging all 53 African states to join the mechanism.

The document argues that Zimbabwe is not ready for elections due to a lack of a new constitution, financial constraints, and ongoing political instability within the Government of National Unity (GNU). It highlights that the security forces remain under Zanu-PF control and that essential reforms in media laws and human rights have not progressed, risking a return to the violence seen in 2008.

The policy brief evaluates the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a governance monitoring tool designed to foster political stability and sustainable development in Africa. The author identifies ten reasons for optimism, noting that 29 African countries have voluntarily joined the process and that the mechanism has accelerated its pace of reviews over time. While the author acknowledges that the system struggles to hold heads of state accountable for specific crises, the APRM has produced comprehensive reports that identify systemic weaknesses and has led to tangible governance gains in countries like Ghana, Rwanda, and Kenya. The brief concludes that the APRM empowers citizens through participatory assessment and promotes peer learning among states, though it requires more transparent leadership and better documentation of successes to maintain momentum.

The 2010 flight disruptions caused by the Eyjafjallajokull eruption primarily affected African countries dependent on air-transported agricultural perishables, such as flower exporters in East Africa. While bulk commodity trade via sea remained stable, the crisis highlighted the vulnerability of relying on Europe as a primary trading partner. The author argues that African nations must diversify their trade partners, specifically exploring South-South trade with emerging economies like Brazil, India, and China, to mitigate risks from future natural disasters or trade restrictions.

The document reports on a February 2010 roundtable discussing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights the mechanism's success in attracting 30 member states and producing 12 comprehensive Country Review Reports (CRRs) that diagnose governance failures. However, it identifies critical weaknesses, including a 'crisis of leadership', insufficient funding, and a lack of systematic implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The discussion emphasizes the need for greater transparency in the Panel of Eminent Persons and more robust civil society engagement to ensure the APRM's long-term credibility and impact.

The paper critiques South Africa's first APRM Implementation Report for failing to distinguish between general post-apartheid achievements and specific progress made under the APRM National Programme of Action. It identifies significant gaps in reporting on corruption, xenophobia, and corporate governance, while noting that the report was likely rushed and lacks self-criticism. The author suggests that the South African government viewed the APRM as an external diplomatic requirement rather than a domestic tool for governance improvement.

The author proposes that Africa establish an informal 'club of states' similar to the G8 or G20 to address continental challenges and represent Africa globally. The brief argues that formal institutions like the African Union (AU) are hindered by a commitment to equality among states and resistance to reform, which leads to weak compromises. To achieve effectiveness, the author suggests an 'A5 Club' consisting of South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Ethiopia, and Kenya, with Egypt as a possible sixth member. This group would be based on 'effectiveness and capabilities' rather than democratic legitimacy, aiming to stabilise failing states, end conflicts, and steer AU political processes.

The 'Healing the Rift' project, led by the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS) with technical support from the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), piloted conflict-sensitive conservation (CSC) strategies in the Democratic Republic of Congo's Albertine Rift. The project focused on four sites: Virunga National Park, Kahuzi-Biega National Park, Itombwe Massif, and Misotshi-Kabogo. By utilizing conflict analysis, stakeholder dialogue, and participatory mapping, the project aimed to reduce illegal resource extraction and resolve disputes over protected area boundaries. Key successes included the establishment of monitoring committees for Lake Edward fisheries and the proactive community-supported design of the proposed Ngamika National Park. However, the report notes that long-term sustainability is threatened by persistent poverty, lack of alternative livelihoods for resource extractors, and ongoing insecurity.

The document examines the complex relationship between protected areas and conflict, noting that conservation efforts can either fuel social tensions or be exploited by military groups. It specifically analyzes transboundary protected areas (TBPAs), which are often established in conflict-prone regions with the intent of promoting peace, but may introduce complexities related to national sovereignty and border inequities. The authors propose the use of Peace and Conflict Impact Assessments (PCIAs)—tools derived from the humanitarian sector—to systematically evaluate how conservation interventions affect local and regional peace dynamics. The paper concludes that because TBPAs are often self-described as peacebuilding projects, they require rigorous, ground-tested measurement tools like PCIAs to ensure they 'do no harm' and actually support stability.

The report analyzes the complex relationship between Egypt and the Sudan (North and South) ahead of the 2011 Southern Sudan referendum. It highlights Egypt's strategic interests in Nile water security, regional stability, and trade, while warning that a flawed referendum or failed secession negotiations could lead to renewed civil war or state collapse. The document argues that Egypt must move beyond its preference for Sudanese unity to constructively engage with both Northern and Southern Sudanese entities to ensure a peaceful transition and maintain its influence in the Nile Basin.

The author argues that while development partners (DPs) typically act in a consultative rather than direct capacity during national planning, they can significantly enhance adaptation by collaborating with civil society organizations to implement indigenous and low-cost technologies. Using Uganda's National Development Plan (NDP) and the Climate Change Unit (CCU) as examples, the text highlights the need for DPs to shift from viewing climate change as a purely environmental issue to integrating it into broader development portfolios. Key recommendations include investing in institutional strengthening, establishing national early warning systems, and promoting organic agriculture to build resilience for the rural poor.