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The report finds that Kendal Power Station had 2,712 PM exceedances between April 2016 and March 2020, with frequencies increasing threefold starting in April 2018. The author concludes that electrostatic precipitators are failing and recommends either shutting down the plant or retrofitting it with fabric filters to meet AEL and World Bank standards.

The South African Water Caucus (SAWC) has formally requested that the Department of Human Settlements, Water and Sanitation and the National Disaster Water Command Centre urgently provide water tanks, tankers, and sanitation packs to numerous communities across South Africa. The request emphasizes that lack of clean water and soap increases the risk of contracting COVID-19, violating constitutional rights to an environment not harmful to health. The SAWC identifies specific failures in several provinces, including unreliable water trucking, unaffordable private water costs, and police harassment of women collecting water. The document calls for weekly public updates on the National Disaster Water Command Centre's activities and a dedicated contact person for updating the list of affected communities.

The document argues that standard lockdown measures are often impractical and potentially more damaging than COVID-19 in Africa due to high poverty levels, weak democratic institutions, and a large informal economy. It highlights risks such as the erosion of democratic processes, food insecurity, and a disproportionate burden on women. The author advocates for localized, flexible responses and calls for wealthier Northern states to provide debt cancellations and aid to prevent regional instability.

The Institute for Economic Justice argues that South Africa's initial R41 billion COVID-19 rescue package is insufficient and proposes a more realistic injection of at least R310 billion, plus R100 billion in short-term financing. The proposal focuses on four main spending areas: health funding (R20 billion), income support (R211.5 billion), wage guarantees (R60 billion), and business support (R150 billion). To fund this, the IEJ suggests a combination of short-term borrowing, utilizing the Unemployment Insurance Fund (UIF) surplus, issuing 'social solidarity bonds', and implementing a solidarity tax on high earners. The plan also includes measures to stabilize the economy, such as managing capital flows and securing US Dollar swap lines.

The document examines barriers to climate finance in sub-Saharan Africa, arguing that while recipient capacity is often blamed, donor-centric processes and a lack of standardized definitions are root causes. It recommends that donors undertake internal reviews to streamline access, provide better needs-assessment guidance, and establish consolidated platforms for funding information.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER), writing on behalf of the Life After Coal Campaign, submitted comments to the National Energy Regulator of South Africa (NERSA) regarding a draft ministerial determination to procure 2,000 MW of new generation capacity. The CER argues that this procurement must prioritize clean, affordable, and renewable energy sources over fossil fuels to align with constitutional obligations and public interest, while criticizing the lack of transparency regarding Request for Information (RFI) responses and the inadequacy of the public consultation process.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) has petitioned Minister Lindiwe Sisulu to urgently provide water tanks and tankers to communities in eMalahleni, including Extension 11, Empumelelweni, Extension 14, and Coronation. These areas have lacked reliable water supply since September 2019, forcing residents to rely on contaminated streams polluted by coal mines and industry. The CER argues that this lack of water violates constitutional rights and severely hinders COVID-19 prevention efforts, as residents cannot perform essential handwashing. The letter calls for immediate government intervention to provide both emergency relief and sustainable long-term water access.

The Centre for Environmental Rights, acting for groundWork and Earthlife Africa NPC, has formally requested written reasons from the South African Minister of Environment, Forestry and Fisheries regarding an amendment to the Minimum Emission Standards (MES). The amendment, published on 27 March 2020, doubles the permissible sulphur dioxide (SO2) limit for existing solid-fuel combustion installations, which the authors argue is unconstitutional and unlawful.

The document outlines the nature of Covid-19, identifies high-risk groups in South Africa, and provides detailed instructions on hygiene, social distancing, and community support to mitigate the pandemic's impact.

The report outlines a structured approach for Fiji to track 160 prioritized adaptation actions across five systems and five sectoral components. It proposes a two-part M&E methodology combining a simple 'traffic light' monitoring system for progress with a more complex process- and results-based evaluation for effectiveness. The framework emphasizes the need for interministerial coordination, the use of primary and secondary data sources, and the potential for an online National Adaptation Registry to centralize information. It also highlights the importance of aligning the NAP M&E with international commitments such as the Paris Agreement, Sustainable Development Goals, and the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction.

The document argues that South Africa's criminal justice system has been eroded by political manipulation and patronage, which has de-professionalised institutions and enabled impunity. It specifically examines the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), the South African Police Service (SAPS), the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (DPCI), and the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID). The author contends that the current legal frameworks grant excessive discretionary power to the President and Ministers, blurring the political-administrative divide. To remedy this, the paper proposes the establishment of independent selection panels to recommend candidates based on objective, transparent criteria and the use of independent boards of enquiry for removals. It emphasizes that these reforms are necessary to restore the legitimacy and impartiality of the state's investigative and prosecutorial mandates.

The report identifies a crisis in South Africa's public procurement system characterized by high corruption, political interference, and operational inefficiency. It proposes seven key reforms, including the creation of a single regulatory authority, the adoption of a principles-based strategic procurement approach, and the introduction of 'qui tam' legal provisions to incentivize private enforcement of procurement laws.

The document proposes a structural shift in South African public personnel practices to insulate the administration from illicit political interference. It argues that while current laws formally exclude political criteria from appointments, in practice, political office-bearers manipulate the system to build patronage networks. To counter this, the paper suggests a four-stage appointment process—process planning, process administration, short listing, and appointment—where independent bodies (such as the Public Service Commission for the public service and new independent personnel committees for municipalities) act as a check on political power. The author advocates for an incremental 'covering in' mechanism to implement these reforms organ-of-state by organ-of-state to manage political resistance.

The Centre for Environmental Rights, acting for the Life After Coal Campaign, submitted a letter to the IPP Office of the Department of Energy requesting urgent clarification on the status of coal-fired power projects in relation to a draft determination for new generation capacity.

SAFTU criticizes the South African state's COVID-19 response as 'tokenistic,' arguing that the R12 billion stimulus (0.23% of GDP) is inadequate compared to global responses. The statement calls for emergency taxation of the rich, a Basic Income Grant, and the appropriation of private facilities for public use. It warns that a security-focused lockdown without adequate income security for informal and unemployed workers could lead to political catastrophe.

The Institute for Economic Justice argues that South Africa must implement bold, decisive economic stimulus measures focused on four objectives: supporting households and communities, protecting workers, sustaining businesses, and managing the economy for long-term transformation. The authors advocate for universal income transfers, emergency paid sick pay, conditional business relief, and a 'Green New Deal' to ensure a more equitable and sustainable recovery. They emphasize that financing these measures should avoid austerity-driven reprioritization and instead rely on solidarity taxation and increased borrowing.

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) has closed its offices in Cape Town and on the Wits campus and cancelled all public events to slow the spread of the COVID-19 virus. The institute will continue its policy engagements and analysis through remote work and digital communication platforms.

The document records a dialogue on the crisis facing South African State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), focusing on the need for clear mandates, financial sustainability, and the removal of political interference. Panelists and officials highlighted systemic failures in entities like Eskom, PRASA, and SAA, attributing their decline to state capture, corruption, and poor governance. Proposed solutions include rationalizing the number of SOEs, implementing forensic audits, adopting 'just transition' plans for energy, and strengthening the role of civil society in institutional oversight.

The authors contend that while the Public Procurement Bill seeks to create a coherent legal framework and expand preferential procurement for disadvantaged groups, it lacks a robust enforcement mechanism. They propose that the Bill should allow whistle-blowers to bring civil claims for the recovery of damages caused by procurement fraud and corruption, rewarding them with a percentage of the recovered funds. This is framed as a necessary measure given the struggling state of South Africa's criminal justice system and declining figures in corruption-related freezing orders.

The research paper calculates fiscal multipliers for South Africa using a closed input-output model based on 2018 data. It finds that the average income multiplier is 1.68 and the employment multiplier is 6.9, suggesting that public spending has a significant positive impact on GDP and job creation. The authors argue that the South African government's 2020 Budget, which proposes spending reductions of approximately R48 billion, will likely reduce GDP by R81 billion and destroy approximately 330,000 jobs due to these high multipliers and the existing negative output gap.