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The paper examines the potential for Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa to implement a single monetary unit to reduce reliance on the US dollar and enhance trade. Using the Optimal Currency Areas (OCA) framework, it identifies significant barriers, including non-synchronous economic cycles, lack of fiscal integration, and diverse political systems. While the move could shift global financial power away from the US and EU, the author warns that China's economic dominance and the varying needs of members like India and Russia create complex challenges. The paper recommends a phased approach to integration, focusing on institutional strengthening and risk mitigation.

The paper examines the potential for a unified BRICS currency to enhance economic stability and challenge the dominance of the US dollar and euro, while highlighting significant risks stemming from economic divergence and political mistrust. Using the Optimal Currency Areas (OCA) framework, it argues that the lack of fiscal integration and synchronised business cycles among member states poses a major barrier to implementation. The author recommends a phased approach to integration and the strengthening of institutional frameworks to mitigate these risks.

The document examines the evolution of BRICS from a financial acronym to an intergovernmental group, focusing on its annual declarations. It finds that while BRICS successfully used the G20 to push for reforms in the IMF and World Bank following the 2007-8 financial crisis, there remains a significant gap between its high-level declarative statements and actual collective policy implementation.

The statement criticizes the 2024 IMF and World Bank Annual Meetings, asserting that the global financial system is extractive and neo-colonial. It highlights that over half of African countries are in debt distress, with many spending more on debt service than on health and education. The document condemns IMF-mandated fiscal consolidation and austerity, arguing these measures crowd out essential social investments and disproportionately affect vulnerable populations. It further claims that the G20 Common Framework is ineffective and exclusive, favoring Paris Club creditors, and calls for African leadership via South Africa's G20 Presidency to seek sovereign debt solutions through the United Nations.

This factsheet by the Institute for Economic Justice argues against replacing South Africa's R370 Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant with a work-seekers' grant, asserting that work-seeking conditionalities are costly, counter-productive, and unjust.

The document is an open letter from South African civil society, labour organisations, and policy experts arguing that the National Treasury exercises disproportionate influence over government policy, often obstructing the progressive realisation of socio-economic rights. The authors specifically highlight the failure to transition the Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant into a permanent basic income system, alleging that Treasury's adherence to an 'austerity' paradigm undermines constitutional mandates and inclusive economic growth.

A coalition of civil society, labour, and policy experts urges President Cyril Ramaphosa to curb the National Treasury's influence over social policy. They argue that Treasury's 'austerity' paradigm and opposition to a permanent basic income grant contradict constitutional obligations and the President's own stated goals, leading to the unfair exclusion of millions from the Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant.

The research paper analyzes the withdrawal of the SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) from Cabo Delgado on 15 July 2024, arguing that the exit was driven by financial constraints and poor coordination rather than security improvements. It highlights that the insurgency, involving groups like Ahlu Sunnah Waljama’a and linked to ISIS, is fueled by a complex mix of religious extremism, poverty, unemployment, and state violence. The author contends that the withdrawal may have created a security void, as attacks have increased in 2024, and argues that military intervention alone is insufficient without addressing the root governance failures and economic inequalities in Mozambique.

The 2024 BRICS Summit is expected to focus on integrating new members and defining the role of 'partner countries' rather than further expansion. Key economic goals include increasing trade in local currencies to reduce dollar reliance and streamlining payments via the BRICS Cross-Border Payments Initiative. The document highlights opportunities for coordination between BRICS, the G20, and the G7, particularly with Brazil and South Africa holding leadership roles in 2025. On climate, BRICS is expected to reaffirm support for the Paris Agreement and a just transition that allows for the continued use of fossil fuels for energy security, while potentially introducing a new framework for sustainable development and carbon market projects.

The document presents case studies on Chile, Indonesia, and South Africa, focusing on how these nations balance the global demand for critical minerals with the need to decarbonize their mining sectors. It assesses the economic weight of mining, country-level greenhouse gas emissions, and the national policies used to align mining activities with international climate commitments and the Paris Agreement.

The report uses a GTAP-E model to find that a USD 100/t carbon levy would generally reduce GDP and household incomes across Africa, increase global food prices, and reduce the supply of maritime services. It highlights that African importers already face disproportionately high freight rates, which a carbon tax would exacerbate. The authors recommend that the IMO implement a redistribution mechanism based on climate vulnerability and historical emissions, providing direct grants for out-of-sector projects like green hydrogen and resilient agriculture.

The document examines the potential for BRICS nations to integrate economically and form a common currency to reduce reliance on the US dollar. It applies Optimum Currency Area (OCA) theory to the bloc, noting that while the New Development Bank (NDB) and Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) demonstrate a commitment to cooperation, significant economic heterogeneity in GDP growth, inflation, and fiscal policy remains a major hurdle. The analysis suggests that while traditional OCA criteria are not fully met, the 'new' OCA theory—which emphasises political commitment and endogenous policy harmonisation—provides a more plausible path toward a multipolar financial order.

The BRICS group is approaching a critical transition point where non-fossil power capacity is expected to eclipse fossil fuels by the end of 2024. While the bloc possesses a vast pipeline of wind and solar projects—enough to potentially triple renewable capacity by 2030—nearly all members continue to develop new coal, oil, or gas plants. China dominates the group's transition, leading in both renewable additions and the construction of new coal capacity. Other members show divergent paths: Brazil and Ethiopia are heavily hydropower-reliant, while the UAE, Iran, and Russia remain deeply dependent on oil and gas, though the UAE is rapidly diversifying via nuclear and solar power.

The Institute for Economic Justice proposes a universal basic income guarantee (UBIG) as a foundational safety net for South Africa's transition from fossil fuels to clean energy. The document asserts that while targeted support for displaced workers is necessary, a UBIG is essential to cover those indirectly affected, such as informal workers and carers, and to prevent people from falling through gaps in social protection. It highlights international evidence from countries like Bangladesh, Brazil, and Ethiopia to demonstrate how cash transfers mitigate climate-induced crises and reduce negative coping strategies. Furthermore, the text argues that a UBIG facilitates environmental adaptation by providing the financial stability needed for reskilling and sustainable consumption, while promoting a more equitable distribution of climate risks between the Global North and Global South.

The fact sheet examines the crisis of food insecurity in South Africa, asserting that while the country is food secure at a national level, millions of households suffer from hunger due to income poverty. It advocates for a Universal Basic Income Guarantee (UBIG) as a direct mechanism to ensure all adults can afford basic nutrition, contrasting this with the limitations of current targeted grants and the paternalism of food vouchers. The document also highlights the long-term economic and health costs of malnutrition and argues that a UBIG should be part of a broader strategy including a 'just food transition' to address systemic agricultural issues and climate change risks.

The fact sheet examines the crisis of food insecurity in South Africa, noting that while the country produces enough food, millions lack the income to access it. It highlights the severe health and economic consequences of malnutrition, particularly for children, and argues that existing targeted grants are insufficient. The document proposes a UBIG as a direct mechanism to eliminate hunger, while cautioning that it must be part of a broader strategy including a 'just food transition' to address systemic issues and climate change risks.

The document examines the crisis of hunger and malnutrition in South Africa, asserting that while the country produces enough food, millions suffer from food insecurity due to poverty and income inequality. It advocates for a Universal Basic Income Guarantee (UBIG) as a primary tool to ensure all citizens can afford nutritious food, thereby breaking the cycle of poverty and improving long-term economic productivity. The text contrasts cash transfers with food vouchers, arguing that cash is more efficient, less prone to corruption, and better for local economies. It also emphasizes that UBIG must be part of a broader strategy including a 'just food transition' to protect food systems from climate change.

The Institute for Economic Justice argues that requiring social grant recipients in South Africa to prove active job-seeking is a flawed policy. It contends that unemployment is structural rather than a result of individual effort, and that conditionality would exclude millions of needy people, increase administrative costs, and potentially lead to labor exploitation and lower wages. The document advocates for an unconditional Universal Basic Income Guarantee (UBIG) as a more effective and just alternative.

The Institute for Economic Justice (IEJ) argues that requiring social grant recipients in South Africa to prove they are actively seeking work is a flawed policy. The document contends that unemployment in South Africa is structural rather than a result of individual effort, noting an expanded unemployment rate of 42.6% (12.38 million people). It asserts that job-seeking conditions create high administrative costs, penalize caregivers—particularly women—and may force workers into low-wage, exploitative employment. The IEJ advocates for an unconditional Universal Basic Income Guarantee (UBIG) as a constitutional right, contrasting this with proposals from the World Bank, National Treasury, and certain political parties to replace the COVID-19 Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant with conditional job-seeker support.

The Institute for Economic Justice (IEJ) argues that imposing work-seeking conditions on social grants in South Africa is a flawed policy. It contends that unemployment is driven by structural economic failures rather than a lack of effort from job seekers. The document highlights that the costs of searching for work—estimated at R1,469 per month for youth—far exceed the R370 provided by the Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant, making conditionality a barrier to survival. Furthermore, it argues that such requirements violate constitutional rights to social assistance and could lead to labor exploitation by forcing people into low-wage, poor-quality jobs.