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The WWF-SASSI Consumer Seafood Guide is a reference tool that categorizes seafood into three sustainability levels: Green (Best Choice), Orange (Think Twice), and Red (Don't Buy). It emphasizes that sustainability depends on the species, the method of capture or farming, and the geographic origin of the seafood. The guide provides specific examples of sustainable and unsustainable seafood, such as MSC-certified SA trawled hake (Green) and various 'No Sale' species that are illegal to sell in South Africa.

South Africa's green technology transfer ecosystem is characterized by a comprehensive but fragmented policy landscape that creates tensions between social equity goals and climate urgency. While the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme (REIPPPP) demonstrates successful public-private collaboration, other sectors struggle with institutional silos and a significant gap in funding for the commercialization of research. Key barriers include conflicting localisation requirements and data regulations that may act as non-tariff barriers to foreign investment.

South Africa's 2025 G20 presidency has partially succeeded in raising global awareness of Africa's difficulties in accessing affordable development finance, though it has failed to secure concrete agreements on IMF reform or the restructuring of the G20 Common Framework. The document highlights systemic barriers including credit rating agency practices and the slow, creditor-biased nature of debt restructuring for countries like Chad, Ethiopia, Ghana, and Zambia. To maintain momentum, South Africa has established an African Expert Panel to advise President Cyril Ramaphosa on technical recommendations for finance and IMF governance.

Nigeria holds 33 percent of Africa's gas reserves and is implementing the 'Decade of Gas' (2021-2030) to transition toward a gas-powered economy. While the country is a top global LNG exporter, it faces significant internal challenges, including high gas flaring (188 Bcf in 2022), inadequate pipeline infrastructure, and poor payment discipline in the power sector. The document argues that natural gas can serve as a bridge fuel toward Nigeria's net-zero 2060 goal and a catalyst for African industrialization in sectors like fertilizers and petrochemicals. However, the global energy transition is leading International Oil Companies (IOCs) to divest from onshore assets, and geopolitical instability—specifically Niger's 2023 coup—threatens major cross-border projects like the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline.

The document contends that democracy in Africa often exists in form but lacks substance because it is built upon colonial socio-economic structures that preserve elite control. Using foresight methods and a case study of the South African National Dialogue, it argues that political liberation has not led to structural transformation, resulting in 'economic entrapment'. To resolve this, the author proposes a shift toward 'solidarity economics'—prioritizing community ownership and social equity over neoliberal profit—alongside civic education, a National Competency Framework for public service, and 'living constitutions' that allow for periodic renewal and citizen recall rights.

The IEJ welcomes the G20 South Africa Summit's Leaders' Declaration as a diplomatic achievement but notes that the consensus-based process resulted in a 'lowest common denominator' outcome. While the IEJ acknowledges the mainstreaming of issues like critical minerals and sustainable industrial policy, it argues the declaration falls short on urgent priorities including climate finance, debt sustainability, and gender equality. The IEJ emphasizes that the success of the presidency depends on translating these commitments into tangible improvements for the African continent.

The paper advocates for integrating climate mitigation with socioeconomic development to support the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and low-emission pathways. It identifies policy integration, finance mobilisation, technical capacity, and international cooperation as key enablers for this transition. To strengthen G20 cooperation, the document proposes facilitating experience-sharing, fostering international coordination, and engaging in demand-driven partnerships for implementation both within and outside G20 member countries.

South Africa's G20 presidency has focused on four key priorities for Africa: debt sustainability, climate and energy transitions, disaster resilience, and the sustainable use of critical minerals. While some progress was made on disaster resilience, consensus on climate finance remained elusive. The presidency also sought to address the high cost of capital and promote inclusive growth through critical minerals and the African Continental Free Trade Area. Despite these efforts, the document suggests that the Johannesburg Summit is unlikely to fully realize these ambitions due to geopolitical tensions and a lack of consensus among G20 members on climate change and the Sustainable Development Goals.

The document examines the tension between Africa's potential as a clean energy leader and the restrictive nature of unilateral trade instruments like the EU's CBAM. While Africa possesses significant renewable energy potential and 30% of global critical mineral reserves, the paper argues that CBAM could reduce collective GDP by 0.91% (approximately USD 25 billion) and limit fiscal space for green R&D. It suggests that African nations leverage their strategic mineral advantages, utilize the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to eliminate 97% of internal tariffs, and push for more structured discussions on trade restrictions within the UNFCCC and WTO.

The research paper analyzes clean cooking policies across 43 G20 countries, finding that 50%–70% of public spending is directed toward direct fiscal support, primarily LPG subsidies. It argues that these subsidies often fail to reach the poorest populations, create fiscal burdens, and undermine energy security and climate goals. The author recommends that G20 nations phase out inefficient fossil fuel subsidies and implement national roadmaps prioritizing electricity, biogas, and solar energy to meet SDG 7 targets by 2030.

This research paper introduces a project by the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) focused on the 'just transition' in South Africa and Brazil. It examines the need to reconcile climate action with economic development, specifically focusing on protecting vulnerable populations and addressing extreme inequality while shifting from fossil fuels to renewable energy.

This research paper examines the role of green technology, specifically solar photovoltaic (PV) and onshore wind energy, in decarbonisation and industrialisation. It argues that market forces alone are insufficient for scaling renewable energy and emphasizes the necessity of targeted industrial policy and government intervention to ensure equitable transitions, particularly in developing economies like South Africa and Brazil.

The document assesses the African debt crisis, noting that over half of African countries are in or at risk of debt distress, which undermines their ability to meet sustainable development goals and manage climate impacts. It critiques the G20's Common Framework for being slow and creditor-favourable, and argues that debt restructuring is too narrowly treated as a technical financial problem. To address this, the author proposes three actions for South Africa: commissioning a technical report on barriers to development finance, establishing an independent African Borrower's Club and Sovereign Debt Roundtable, and calling for a review of IMF operating principles and governance.

The report details the transition of solar leadership from mature to emerging economies following the 2015 Paris Agreement. It highlights the exponential growth of solar power globally, rising from 1% of generation in 2015 to 8.8% in the first half of 2025. The document specifically examines the roles of Brazil, China, and India, noting that these three countries account for 60% of all new solar capacity since 2015. It attributes this surge to national targets (NDCs), international climate finance, and the establishment of the International Solar Alliance (ISA).

The report argues that immersive ethnographic methods are more effective than one-off consultations for capturing the lived experiences of marginalized groups in South Africa's coal regions. Based on fieldwork in Mpumalanga, it identifies critical gaps in current policy-making, including the exclusion of women and informal workers and the decline of community services after coal plant closures. To address these, the report recommends institutionalizing co-production, creating dedicated engagement funds, and training officials in participatory research to ensure a more inclusive just energy transition.

The IEJ argues that South Africa's 2025 MTBPS prioritises debt stabilisation over growth and social welfare, leading to 'indiscriminate and harmful cuts to spending' in health and education. The document criticises the reduction of the inflation target to 3%, the continued austerity in non-interest spending, and the reliance on private sector 'de-risking' and privatisation. It further highlights the precarious future of the Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant and the failure to address structural unemployment through activist fiscal policies.

The Institute for Economic Justice (IEJ) argues that Africa is disproportionately burdened by global inequality, noting that 57% of Africans live in countries spending more on debt servicing than on healthcare or education. In the context of South Africa's G20 presidency, the IEJ demands five urgent reforms: ending exploitative debt systems, establishing a UN-led global tax convention, investing in food buffer stocks and universal social floors, ensuring a just energy transition for the Global South, and reducing unpaid care work for women.

This synthesis report discusses the role of South Africa's 2025 G20 presidency in advancing the 'just transition' agenda, building upon a Ministerial Statement from October 2024 that emphasizes structural actions in national economies and the international financial system to scale up climate action.

The report finds that while total emissions from 25 major emitters may peak by 2026, current policies are insufficient to meet the Paris Agreement's 1.5°C goal. Fifteen countries are likely on track to meet their 2030 unconditional NDC targets, while nine are off track, including the US, UK, and Japan. Projections for the US have worsened due to policy rollbacks, and eight countries are already projected to miss their 2035 unconditional NDC targets.

Reclaim Finance reports a 'double discourse' within the Crédit Agricole group regarding climate commitments. While Crédit Agricole CIB announced in May 2024 that it would no longer participate in conventional bond issuances for fossil fuel companies, its subsidiary Amundi continues to provide capital to the sector. Between 2024 and 2025, Amundi invested 300 million euros in 80 bonds from companies expanding coal, oil, and gas projects, including significant holdings in Glencore, Saudi Aramco, TotalEnergies, and BP. The report contrasts this with BNP Paribas, which extended similar restrictions to its asset management and insurance arms. Reclaim Finance asserts that this inconsistency undermines the group's climate credibility and calls for an immediate alignment of Amundi's policies with the group's stated transition goals.