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The policy brief examines South Africa's transition from a human-rights-led foreign policy to a more pragmatic approach that views the R2P doctrine and the ICC with suspicion. It details the evolution of R2P and the ICC, the factors leading to African disillusionment—including the 2011 Libyan crisis and perceived ICC bias—and argues that South Africa must engage constructively with these mechanisms rather than rejecting them to maintain its international and continental influence.

The document details the vulnerability of agricultural and forest products to climate change, noting significant potential losses in cocoa, coffee, cotton, and wine production, as well as specific environmental pressures on flower exports from Kenya and silk production in India.

The document outlines a pilot project by Natural Justice and partners to implement biocultural community protocols (BCPs) in four countries to safeguard community rights against extractive industries. It details specific regional efforts—addressing infrastructure and oil/gas/coal in Kenya, diamond mining in Zimbabwe, lithium mining in Argentina, and various mining forms in India—while identifying BCPs as tools for internal consensus and external rights assertion. The report highlights successes in community mobilization and challenges such as political will, safety threats, and the difficulty of defining 'community' in non-homogenous groups.

The paper critiques the 'liberal peace paradigm' in Africa, suggesting that external peacebuilding often reinforces autocratic governance by focusing on state-building and technical capacity rather than addressing systemic inequality and patronage networks. It argues that current conflicts are driven by the collective denial of individual rights to maintain power configurations, and that peacebuilding must shift toward a rights-based approach to be effective.

The document analyzes the 2013 Kenyan general elections, focusing on the performance of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC). While a majority of voters viewed the elections as free and fair, trust in the IEBC was divided, with 49% of respondents stating they did not trust the body. The report highlights a gap between direct experiences of electoral malpractice—which were reported as low—and broader perceptions of unfairness, often shaped by ethnic and party affiliations. It recommends that the IEBC undertake a public audit of the 2013 elections and expand voter registration for marginalized groups.

The document analyzes how Kenyan voters accessed information during the 2013 elections, finding that while media is highly trusted, personal discussions with close associates are the most powerful drivers of political persuasion. It highlights the limited impact of social media and the role of televised presidential debates in forming opinions, while noting that most voters' choices are based on long-standing party identification tied to specific leaders rather than party platforms.

The policy brief assesses the underperformance of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), noting that US imports from Africa remain dominated by energy commodities. It proposes a four-pillar strategy for the 2015 renewal: a clean, long-term extension of at least 10 years; the reduction of non-tariff barriers through expanded US Trade Hubs and relaxed rules of origin for least-developed countries; structural reforms including the Power Africa initiative and the development of African capital markets; and alignment with global trade frameworks like the TPP and TTIP to ensure African competitiveness.

The report analyzes African financial centres—specifically Casablanca, Johannesburg, Port Louis, and Nairobi—against a global peer group using the Global Financial Centres Index (GFCI). It defines the roles of onshore and offshore centres, identifies the 'dynamic' nature of certain African hubs, and highlights a significant 'reputational advantage' in Casablanca where marketing exceeds quantitative performance. The document argues that improving the business environment, rule of law, and infrastructure is critical for growth. It proposes a strategic framework for donors and governments to enhance capacity through regional integration, professional accreditation via a proposed Financial Training and Qualifications Institute (FTQI), and the development of standardized regulatory frameworks to attract long-term capital.

The report examines the gap between Africa's strong rhetorical commitment to regional integration and the limited actual progress achieved. Using APRM data from 17 countries, it identifies systemic barriers including reluctance to cede national sovereignty, overlapping memberships in multiple regional economic communities (RECs), inadequate infrastructure, and a lack of private sector involvement. While some blocs like the East African Community (EAC) show more progress, most have not advanced beyond free trade areas or customs unions, and intra-African trade remains low compared to trade with external partners like the EU and China.

The Ogiek Bio-Cultural Community Protocol (BCP) serves as a community-determined framework to protect the rights and traditional knowledge of the Ogiek, an indigenous hunter-gatherer group in Kenya. It documents their unique relationship with the Mau Forest Complex, detailing their eco-climatic zoning system, traditional medicinal knowledge, and sustainable honey-harvesting practices. The protocol outlines the challenges the community faces, including forced evictions, forest degradation from logging and charcoal burning, and cultural erosion. It establishes a community agreement based on national and international law, demanding Free Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) for development projects and equitable Access and Benefit Sharing (ABS) for the use of their resources. The document also defines a traditional governance structure led by a Council of Elders and proposes a land management system divided into biodiversity conservation, rehabilitation, and settlement zones.

The document provides a practitioner-focused guide to securing community land rights in Africa, detailing case studies on resolving land conflicts, strengthening local governance, and resisting forced resettlement. It emphasizes the importance of community self-definition, the use of Biocultural Community Protocols, and the necessity of multi-pronged advocacy strategies involving legal education, media engagement, and the building of alliances between grassroots movements and sympathetic government actors.

The document examines the role of diaspora populations in international development, highlighting that their financial contributions often exceed official development assistance. It analyzes the challenges of integrating diaspora-led initiatives into the formal Norwegian aid system (Norad), the value of 'diasprenuer' (diaspora entrepreneurship), and the importance of recognizing transnational bonds as a resource rather than a barrier to integration.

The document examines the tensions between humanitarian protection and the push for the return of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), particularly in Somalia. It argues that return programming often relies on a flawed 'sedentary bias' and ignores the critical role of social networks and the reality of ongoing conflict. The authors warn that shifting aid from regional camps to unstable areas like south-central Somalia may serve state migration management interests rather than humanitarian needs, potentially increasing risks for returnees in environments of impunity.

The report provides an 'Afro-realistic' analysis of accountability in Africa, contrasting the potential of continental initiatives like the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and Agenda 2063 with the practical challenges of domestic implementation. It investigates the roles of the African Union (AU), national parliaments, ombudsman offices, and civil society in curbing executive power and ensuring sustainable peace. The text highlights a tension between economic development and democratic governance, noting that while some states achieve growth, it often occurs at the expense of human rights.

The SEI Strategy 2015–2019 establishes a framework to bridge science and policy through three primary delivery areas: scientific research, policy engagement, and capacity development. The institute aims to shift from traditional reporting toward a more integrated approach that includes behavioral science, geopolitics, and targeted communication. Central to this strategy is the launch of 'SEI Initiatives'—specialized research hubs focusing on critical issues like climate finance, fossil fuels, and the water-energy-food nexus. The document also details the enabling infrastructure required for these goals, including the PMEC monitoring system and a suite of analytical tools such as LEAP and WEAP, while emphasizing the need to engage 'hard-to-reach' stakeholders in the private sector.

The text presents a case study from Kenya's Arid and Semi-Arid Lands (ASALs) to illustrate that charcoal production, when managed correctly, can enhance the adaptive capacity of local communities and address energy access challenges. It argues that climate change adaptation requires transforming the underlying processes that create vulnerability rather than simply implementing isolated projects.

Kenya aims to expand its geothermal power capacity to 5,000 MW by 2030 to support low-carbon development and reduce reliance on hydropower. To achieve this, the government developed a Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Action (NAMA) designed to mobilise private sector investment and international technical support. While Kenya had an installed geothermal capacity of approximately 340 MW as of October 2014, the development of the NAMA faced hurdles including stakeholder buy-in, securing financial partners, and addressing 'additionality' questions. Lessons learned emphasize the importance of tailored communication and aligning the NAMA's scope with broader sectoral transformation.

Kenya developed a Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Action (NAMA) to accelerate geothermal power expansion by increasing private sector investment. The process highlighted several institutional and financial barriers, including a lack of stakeholder awareness and the rigid processes of Development Finance Institutions (DFIs). Key lessons include the need for tailored communication and a 'prospectus' approach to documenting NAMA options for donors. The NAMA aims to support 820 MW of additional capacity by 2020, contributing to a long-term goal of 5,000 MW by 2030.

The document analyzes the evolution of community-company engagements in the mining, oil, and gas sectors, emphasizing the need for community-driven processes to ensure fair outcomes. It categorizes types of agreements—ranging from Joint Venture Agreements to Consultation and Negotiation Agreements—and evaluates the risks associated with government-led processes. Through case studies in Papua New Guinea, Indonesia, and Ghana, the paper highlights the importance of self-identification of affected communities and the role of international human rights frameworks, such as the UN Guiding Principles and FPIC, in protecting community rights.

The paper identifies a rise in conflict events and fatalities in Africa since 2010, concentrated in five countries: Nigeria, South Sudan, Sudan, CAR, and Somalia. It uses the International Futures modelling system to project three scenarios to 2063: a 'Base Case' of continued moderate growth, an 'African Renaissance' of inclusive growth and stability, and 'Politics of the Belly' characterized by elite exploitation and instability. The authors argue that governance is the primary driver of stability and that while democratisation is a general trend, the transition period often increases the risk of violence.