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The document examines the shift in Indonesia's foreign economic policy from nationalistic and protectionist roots toward a neo-liberal approach characterized by trade and investment liberalization. It identifies external pressures, such as IMF structural adjustments and regional integration (ASEAN), and internal influences, including intellectual elites and the private sector, as primary drivers. Despite this trend, the author notes persistent domestic protectionism and a fundamental contradiction between these policies and Article 33 of the Indonesian constitution, which emphasizes a family-based, state-controlled economy.

The report argues that a well-functioning security sector is the foundation of state stability and that defence must be integrated into government-wide structures to be effective. It critiques traditional 'civil-military relations' theories that view the military primarily as a threat to be controlled, suggesting instead that the military should be seen as a public service providing force or the threat of force to support state policy. The author emphasizes a 'task-based' rather than 'threat-based' approach to security policy and advocates for integrated hierarchies in ministries of defence to foster cooperation between civilian and military personnel. The text also details the technical aspects of intelligence collection, the management of defence budgets, and the importance of democratic accountability through parliament and transparency.

The China Node for Sustainable Sanitation (CNSS), a collaboration between the University of Science and Technology Beijing (USTB-CSES) and Clean Water Alliances (CWA), worked from 2008 to 2011 to mainstream ecological sanitation in China. The initiative established pilot projects, including 108 eco-toilets in Sichuan's earthquake area, and leveraged mass media—such as CCTV and Yunnan TV—to reach millions of viewers. CNSS also engaged high-level decision-makers, developed academic curricula, and fostered international partnerships with nodes in Nepal, South Africa, and the Philippines, as well as projects in Mongolia and DPR Korea.

The report analyzes urban sanitation trends across Sub-Saharan Africa, China, India, South East Asia, and Latin America, while examining the technical and social interactions between these systems and menstrual waste disposal. It finds that menstrual products, particularly those with super-absorbent materials, frequently cause blockages in water-borne sewerage systems and reduce the design life of on-site pit latrines. The document argues that menstrual management is largely ignored in sanitation design, leading to privacy issues for women and operational failures in infrastructure. It recommends the use of solid waste streams for menstrual product disposal and the design of 'women-friendly' facilities that include private waste bins and hand-washing stations.

The document details a workshop held at the Stockholm Resilience Centre involving approximately 35 participants. It examines social learning across four primary domains: natural resource management, climate change adaptation, social learning platforms, and the intersection of education and society. The proceedings highlight the definitional complexity of 'social learning', the influence of power dynamics, and the challenges of measuring learning outcomes in time-bound participatory projects. Key discussions emphasize the need for multi-level learning to build adaptive capacity in social-ecological systems and the role of 'shadow spaces' in facilitating international governance.

In 2010, four members of the UNEP BFI CCWG (AFD, EIB, JICA, and KfW) committed approximately 15.5 billion USD to climate finance in developing countries, a 22% increase over 2009. Mitigation received 80% of these funds, primarily targeting the energy (51%) and transport (31%) sectors, while adaptation funding decreased by 28% to 20% of the total, focused largely on water supply and treatment. Concessional loans were the dominant financial instrument at 70% of total flows. The report also details carbon finance initiatives managed by EIB, KfW, and NEFCO, which are tracked separately from direct climate finance.

The document analyzes Asia's climate investment requirements, estimating annual mitigation needs at US$90–180 billion and adaptation costs at US$40–45 billion by 2030. It argues that while private finance can drive mitigation in major economies like China and India, public resources are essential for adaptation and for less developed countries. The briefing highlights opportunities in carbon markets and public-private leveraging, but warns that the Copenhagen Accord's US$100 billion target is insufficient for Asia's needs and that transport or financial transaction levies could negatively impact Asian trade and financial hubs.

The document examines REDD+ as a tool for developing countries to reduce emissions from deforestation and degradation while fostering low-carbon development. It highlights that while over $4.5 billion had been pledged by 2012, significantly more funding is needed to meet estimated costs of $22 to $36 billion by 2015 to reduce global deforestation by 25%. The brief warns that REDD+ could increase the vulnerability of forest-dependent and indigenous peoples if land rights are not secured. It emphasizes that success requires long-term investment in monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV) systems, which may take up to a decade to establish, and the integration of forest policies into broader national development strategies.

The document examines REDD+ as a tool for mitigating climate change through the reduction of emissions from deforestation and forest degradation in developing countries. It argues that while REDD+ offers opportunities for low-carbon transitions, economic growth, and climate adaptation, its success depends on significant institutional investment and the mitigation of risks to forest-dependent communities.

The report outlines how tropical forests can be transitioned from net carbon emitters to net sinks through the REDD+ framework. It details specific reforestation, restoration, and sustainable production forestry techniques, while emphasizing the necessity of 'additional' carbon benefits beyond business-as-usual baselines. The authors argue that achieving zero net emissions by 2030 requires a combination of reducing deforestation and scaling up sequestration activities, supported by international financial incentives and national policies that protect biodiversity and the rights of indigenous and local communities.

The report examines Brazil's transition from a net food importer to a net exporter over nearly three decades. It finds that national food availability is more than sufficient, with per capita availability exceeding nutritional requirements by about one third. The document concludes that food insecurity in Brazil is driven by the inability of the poor to afford food rather than a lack of supply, and that international trade has not negatively impacted food security at the national level.

The report examines the intersection of climate change and ASEAN-facilitated trade and investment in the Mekong subregion, noting that while some countries use trade liberalization for growth, their natural resources remain vulnerable to climate risks. It highlights a tension between low-carbon initiatives, such as hydroelectric dams, and the resulting loss of irreplaceable natural capital. Additionally, it notes that free trade agreements facilitating mining may be viewed as an adaptation to climate-threatened agriculture, though at a high cost to natural capital and livelihoods. The report recommends mainstreaming climate concerns into ASEAN's economic frameworks and implementing climate risk assessments for trading mechanisms.

The report analyzes how developing regions responded to the 200608 food crisis, noting a prevalence of short-term, often protectionist measures such as export bans and consumer subsidies. It argues that these immediate responses frequently conflicted with long-term goals of increasing agricultural production and that regional cooperation mechanisms were largely ineffective during the crisis. The author advocates for a 'new agricultural deal' at the global level and the institutional strengthening of regional agreements to provide credible collective economic security.

The report argues that while the Mekong subregion is highly vulnerable to climate-related risks, ASEAN-facilitated free trade agreements (FTAs) and economic partnership agreements (EPAs) largely lack explicit commitments to climate change. It highlights a tension between low-carbon initiatives, such as hydroelectric dams, and the resulting loss of natural capital. The document recommends mainstreaming climate risk assessments into trade mechanisms and fostering cooperation between ASEAN, the Mekong River Commission (MRC), and the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) initiative.

The report examines the tension between trade growth and environmental sustainability in the Mekong subregion, noting that environmental protections often take a backseat to industrialization and that regional efforts to balance these interests have seen little effectiveness.

The briefing examines the tension between economic growth and environmental sustainability in the Mekong subregion (Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam) and ASEAN. It argues that while regional strategies and national laws exist, actual commitment to environmental protection in trade policy remains low, often driven more by foreign donor interests than by regional political will. The author highlights the 'ASEAN Way' of non-binding consensus as a barrier to enforcement and recommends strengthening regional ownership and civil society engagement.

The document examines the tension between rapid economic transition and environmental degradation in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS). It highlights how trade liberalization and infrastructure development, such as economic corridors and hydropower projects, have contributed to soil erosion and illegal wildlife and timber trade. While regional frameworks like the ASEAN Regional Action Plan on Trade in Wild Fauna and Flora and the Singapore Declaration on Climate Change exist, the report argues they are often non-binding 'soft law' and lack enforcement capacity. It specifically notes that climate change is expected to increase basin-wide temperatures by 0.79C and flooding by 2030. The author recommends that GMS countries coordinate conservation laws, establish a unified greenhouse gas inventory system, and subject trading mechanisms to formal climate risk assessments to move beyond 'token commitments'.

The report finds that while Southeast Asian nations have adopted environmental legislation, these concerns are frequently sidelined by industrialization and trade liberalization goals. In the Mekong subregion (Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam), the integration of environmental sustainability into trade policy is primarily driven by foreign donors rather than regional institutions like the Asian Development Bank or the Mekong River Commission. While Thailand shows progress through judicial intervention and business awareness, and Vietnam through donor-funded strategic plans, regional agreements like the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement lack environmental cooperation provisions. The report concludes that the 'ASEAN Way' of soft law and a lack of administrative capacity hinder enforcement, and recommends strengthening regional ownership and coordination between donors and the ASEAN Secretariat.

The report examines the conflict between national food security priorities and regional trade integration in Southeast Asia, particularly following the 2007/08 food price crisis. It argues that member states often prioritize national interests over regional solidarity, as seen when rice exporters like Thailand and Vietnam restricted supplies to neighbors to seek higher global prices. The document analyzes the differences between food self-sufficiency and self-reliance strategies and evaluates the effectiveness of ASEAN's food security mechanisms, such as the ASEAN Emergency Rice Reserve. It concludes with recommendations for aligning national policies with regionalism, improving existing food security frameworks, and implementing social safety nets to mitigate the impacts of trade liberalization.

The report examines the role of ecolabelling and environmental standards in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) and the wider ASEAN region. It argues that while these tools are intended to be 'trade-positive', they often function as barriers to trade for GMS countries due to high costs and inadequate technological infrastructure. The analysis reveals that ecolabelling in the GMS is primarily export-oriented, targeting developed markets like the EU, while intraregional trade in primary products remains largely unregulated by environmental standards. The report concludes with recommendations to build national standards bodies, foster a domestic culture of environmental consciousness, and enhance ASEAN-wide cooperation on common standards.