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Ember's analysis finds that the Whitehaven coal mine in Cumbria is likely to emit 15 times more methane over its lifetime than estimated by the developer, West Cumbria Mining Limited (WCML). The report argues that WCML understated methane content by using core samples instead of official National Atmospheric Emissions Inventory (NAEI) factors and overstated mitigation potential by claiming a 95% destruction rate, whereas the IEA suggests 69% is realistic for such mines. These discrepancies could lead to the mine producing 12 kilotonnes of methane in 2030, significantly impacting the UK's goals under the Global Methane Pledge.

The document outlines eight reasons why the UK should not increase its military spending, asserting that the UK and NATO already possess significant force advantages over Russia and China. It highlights recent budget increases, such as a £24bn boost in 2020, and criticizes the arbitrary nature of NATO's 2% GDP spending target. The author argues that funds would be better allocated to the National Health Service, overseas aid, and carbon emission reductions, noting that military spending is more than seven times the budget for reducing national carbon emissions.

Ember's analysis suggests the Whitehaven coal mine in Cumbria will emit 15 times more methane over its lifetime than estimated by the developer, West Cumbria Mining Limited (WCML). The report argues that WCML underestimated methane risk by ignoring official UK emission factors and overstated the feasibility of its mitigation plans, which claim a 95% destruction rate compared to an IEA benchmark of 69% for coking coal mines. Consequently, the mine could substantially increase the UK's methane emissions from fossil fuel production by 2030, potentially jeopardising the UK's targets under the Global Methane Pledge.

Natural gas is the fastest growing source of CO2 emissions from fossil fuels, with methane leakage potentially making its climate impact equivalent to coal. To align with the 1.5°C goal, global gas production and consumption must decrease by 30% by 2030 and 65% by 2050, with developed countries phasing out gas power by 2035. The document rejects the use of gas as a bridge fuel or a solution to the 2022 energy crisis, noting that expanding infrastructure creates stranded asset risks, particularly for non-OECD countries. It further argues that converting gas infrastructure to hydrogen is technically unproven and economically inefficient, and highlights severe public health risks associated with gas extraction, flaring, and domestic use.

Recourse criticizes the US nomination of Ajay Banga for World Bank president, highlighting his roles at Exor N.V. and Temasek, which link him to oil, gas, and nuclear investments. The organization argues that Banga's private sector experience promotes a profit-driven development model over genuine climate action and poverty reduction.

The case study details a £300,000 advertising campaign in the UK's West Midlands that used green economic growth narratives to increase hope for a green future, reporting that nearly twice as many people felt hopeful after seeing the campaign.

The policy brief examines four international models of clean growth financing to provide lessons for Canada's transition to carbon neutrality by 2050. It highlights Australia's Clean Energy Finance Corporation for its dual focus on profitability and emissions reduction, the UK's contracts for difference for effective risk-sharing in renewable energy, Norway's Longship project for its holistic state support of carbon capture and storage, and the US Inflation Reduction Act's use of tax credits tied to carbon intensity and social standards for hydrogen production.

The document advocates for reforming the Competition Act to address greenwashing, which it describes as a market distortion that prevents consumers from making informed choices and hinders firms investing in environmental quality. The authors propose several amendments, including updating the Act's purpose clause to include environmental and climate considerations, establishing clear substantiation standards for environmental claims, and requiring public disclosure of the data used to support such claims. They also suggest introducing enhanced penalties for environmental harm, expanding private rights of action for consumers, and allocating penalties to the Environmental Damages Fund. The statement highlights that while other jurisdictions like the EU, France, and California have implemented mandatory disclosures or bans on generic claims, Canada lacks dedicated statutes for regulating environmental claims to the general public.

The report finds that greenwashing is rampant in the food sector, particularly among high-emission meat and dairy companies. It highlights the use of vague or misleading terms like 'carbon neutral' and 'climate positive' to influence consumer behavior, noting that a significant portion of consumers in the UK and Germany are more likely to purchase products with such labels.

The report identifies widespread greenwashing in the food industry, particularly among high-emission meat and dairy producers. It combines a market study of corporate claims with a YouGov survey showing that a significant portion of consumers in Germany and the UK are influenced by 'climate-neutral' labels, despite low overall trust in sustainability claims for animal products.

The report identifies widespread greenwashing in the food sector, particularly among major meat and dairy producers. It highlights the use of misleading labels like 'carbon neutral' and 'net zero', the reliance on carbon offsetting over absolute emissions reductions, and the use of idyllic imagery to mask intensive farming practices. Polling in the UK and Germany shows that while consumers are concerned about greenwashing, they are still influenced by these claims in their purchasing decisions. The document calls for stricter government regulation of green claims and a systemic transformation of the food system to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

The document outlines a comprehensive framework of 101 sustainable finance policies categorized by three primary ambitions: speed, steer, and simplify. It provides specific recommendations across various government departments—including fiscal, trade, energy, and industrial policy—as well as for central banks and financial regulators. The guide emphasizes the need for science-based targets, the removal of fossil fuel subsidies, the use of green taxonomies, and the implementation of derisking mechanisms like blended finance to mobilize private capital for the 1.5°C transition.

The document argues that EU and UK governments have failed to protect public health by not holding auto manufacturers accountable for illegal defeat devices. It proposes three main pillars of action: identifying and correcting the use of these devices through manufacturer-funded retrofits, establishing a 'Dieselgate Clean Up Fund' paid for by industry to accelerate the transition to zero-emission vehicles, and adopting more robust clean air laws and emissions standards, including an ambitious Euro 7 standard and a phase-out of new petrol and diesel vehicles by 2030 for cars and vans.

The Stakeholder Toolkit lists various resources for forest monitoring and accountability. It highlights Global Forest Watch's suite of tools (Forest Watcher, GFW Pro, Radar, and MapBuilder) for tracking forest change and deforestation. It also identifies transparency and rights-based initiatives such as Trase, Supply Change, Mapeo, and the Land Rights Standard. Additionally, the document lists collaborative platforms and coalitions, including the Accountability Framework Initiative, the Tropical Forest Alliance, the Collaborative Partnership on Forests, and the NGO Forest Coalition, to support the implementation of forest commitments and sustainable development.

The toolkit lists various resources for forest monitoring and accountability. It highlights Global Forest Watch's suite of tools, including Forest Watcher and MapBuilder, and data-driven transparency initiatives like Trase and Supply Change. It also identifies frameworks for land rights and coalitions such as the Accountability Framework Initiative and the Tropical Forest Alliance aimed at eliminating deforestation from supply chains.

The report details a surge in EU gas infrastructure projects, including 30 fast-tracked LNG terminals and extensive pipeline networks, driven by the 'gas panic' after Russia's invasion of Ukraine. It warns that the proposed 227.2 bcm/y of additional LNG capacity would increase the EU's maximum import capacity by 136%, potentially costing €53.5 billion and emitting up to 950 million tons of CO2 annually. The document argues that these uncoordinated efforts, led by countries like Germany, Greece, and Italy, conflict with the EU's 'Fit for 55' climate goals and the European Climate Law. Additionally, it critiques the 'European Hydrogen Backbone' initiative, stating that repurposing methane pipelines for hydrogen is technically risky and economically unjustified, further entrenching fossil fuel use.

Global Witness contends that hydrogen heating is an inefficient and dangerous alternative to heat pumps, pushed by gas companies to avoid stranded assets. The briefing criticizes the UK Energy Bill for introducing a hydrogen levy on consumers and proposing forced participation in heating trials in locations like Redcar or Whitby, Ellesmere Port.

The Institute for Economic Justice (IEJ) and Climate Finance for Equitable Transitions (CLiFT) argue that the JET-IP's strategy of 'de-risking' private finance is insufficient to mobilise the required R1.5 trillion and exposes South Africa to significant fiscal, legal, and social risks. The authors contend that the plan fails to meet National Determined Contributions (NDCs) due to an over-reliance on private renewable energy and a lack of investment in public transport and energy efficiency. They recommend shifting to a 'rights-based' governance framework and an 'allocative credit policy' that prioritises public investment, local manufacturing, and comprehensive social protections for workers and communities.

The report provides a comprehensive stocktake of the WTO Joint Statement Initiative (JSI) on E-commerce as of December 2022. It highlights a shift toward a less ambitious agreement for the 13th Ministerial Conference (MC13), focusing on resolved trade facilitation issues while deferring controversial market access topics. The document analyzes the impact of increasing national digital regulation, the rise of flexible Digital Economy Agreements (DEAs), and the revitalized WTO Work Programme's focus on the digital divide. It details the structural changes in the December 2022 consolidated text (INF/ECOM/62/Rev.3), including the removal of the 'Market Access' section and the creation of an 'Annex' for low-support proposals. While 10 articles have reached 'clean' or 'convergent' status, significant gaps remain regarding cross-border data flows and source code. The report concludes that 2023 will be a critical year for finalizing a simplified agreement.

The report provides a comprehensive stocktake of the WTO's Joint Statement Initiative (JSI) on e-commerce at the end of 2022. It highlights a shift toward a less ambitious 'light' agreement focusing on minor facilitation points, while more contentious issues like market access and data flows remain unresolved. The document notes the rise of flexible Digital Economy Agreements (DEAs) and an increased focus on the digital divide within the broader WTO work programme. By December 2022, 87 WTO members participated in the JSI, though participation from African countries and Least Developed Countries remains marginal. The report details the progress of various technical small groups, noting that 10 articles have reached a 'cleaned' or 'convergent' state, while others, such as source code and cryptography, face persistent divergences.