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Since 1994, South Africa has acted as a primary catalyst for African integration, leveraging its economic dominance and diplomatic efforts to promote the 'African Renaissance'. While it leads in conflict resolution and institutional building through the AU and SADC, it faces tensions regarding its perceived 'big brother' role and a persistent trade imbalance with other African states. Its global role involves representing African interests in the G20 and UN Security Council, though its moral authority is sometimes undermined by a reluctance to criticize fellow African leaders, specifically in Zimbabwe.

The Africa Human Security Initiative (AHSI) is organizing a workshop in Nairobi on May 7, 2008, focusing on internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the Greater Horn of Africa. The document argues that IDPs are a highly vulnerable population often neglected by states due to conceptual debates, lack of political will, and the non-binding nature of the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement. It highlights the scale of the issue, noting that in 2004, IDP numbers in three specific countries far exceeded refugee numbers in five. The workshop aims to map displacement, assess government capacity, and develop a regional policy document and strategic action plan for managing displacement crises.

The briefing examines China's policy of offering duty-free treatment to 440 products from 30 African LDCs. While the scheme is tailored to existing export capacities, the author argues its economic impact is modest compared to its symbolic diplomatic value in signaling China's rise as a great power and alternative to Western donors.

The report argues that commodity price volatility creates significant economic and environmental instability for approximately two billion people and 95 developing countries. It examines five primary policy interventions: supply management, national revenue management, market-based price risk management, compensatory finance, and alternative trade initiatives. The authors conclude that while no single 'silver bullet' exists, a combination of complementary policies, private sector engagement, and a focus on income stability rather than just price stabilization is essential for sustainable development and poverty reduction.

The report argues that commodity price volatility, which can see prices fluctuate by 50% in a single year, obstructs long-term planning, deepens commodity dependence, and hinders poverty reduction for approximately two billion people globally. It highlights that the core issue is not price volatility itself, but the resulting volatility of national and individual incomes. The document analyzes five policy interventions: supply management (controlling supply to influence price), national revenue management (using stabilization funds like those in Norway and Chile), market risk management (using futures and options), compensatory financing (external grants or loans for export earnings losses), and alternative trade initiatives (certification and fair trade). It concludes that no single 'magic solution' exists and recommends a combination of complementary policies, private sector engagement, and the integration of income stabilization into broader rural development and diversification programs.

The document argues that commodity price volatility, which can vary by up to 50% in a single year, hinders long-term financial planning and environmental management, thereby trapping producers in a cycle of poverty and dependency. It emphasizes that the core issue is income volatility rather than price volatility itself. The report evaluates five strategic options: supply management (controlling output to influence price), national revenue management (using stabilization funds like National Revenue Funds), market-based risk management (using futures and options), compensatory financing (emergency grants or loans), and alternative trade initiatives (certification and fair trade). It concludes that no single 'silver bullet' exists and recommends a complementary approach involving the private sector and flexible, simple policies to achieve sustainable income stability.

The document examines the proposal for a Union Government for Africa, analyzing the tension between 'maximalists' who seek immediate establishment and 'gradualists' who prioritize regional integration. It explores the role of the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and the African Diaspora in this process. Key discussions focus on defining domains of competence, managing national sovereignty, financing mechanisms, and the necessity of including civil society and gender perspectives to ensure a people-driven union.

The document explains the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a voluntary process for African governments and citizens to assess governance and implement reforms. It outlines a five-step methodology for civil society organisations (CSOs) to create effective written submissions: identifying a focused issue, gathering evidence from diverse sources, developing persuasive arguments, building consensus through circulation, and submitting to the correct official bodies. The guide emphasises that evidence-backed submissions are more impactful than oral presentations and provides examples of successful advocacy by groups in Uganda and South Africa.

The document describes a scoping phase (January to November 2008) for a programme aimed at building long-term capacity in universities, research institutes, government, industry, and NGOs to manage climate change risks. The initiative focuses on developing research capacity, enhancing science-technology-policy networks, and stimulating science-policy dialogue to integrate climate risk management into national development policies. Proposed activities include forming national advisory groups, providing short courses on adaptation and vulnerability, hosting international experts, developing curricula, and establishing joint research fellowships. The programme is designed to support the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change Nairobi Work Programme and National Adaptation Programmes of Action.

The report examines the use of eminent domain to establish protected areas (PAs) in East Africa, highlighting how irregular land acquisitions and degazettement threaten biodiversity. It argues that PAs are only sustainable when established through transparent, inclusive, and accountable processes that respect private property rights and provide fair compensation.

The report argues that humanity has depleted natural capital to achieve short-term gains, leading to a decline in 15 of 24 evaluated ecosystem services. It proposes a five-part action agenda: developing ecosystem service information, strengthening local community rights, managing across multiple scales, improving accountability, and aligning economic incentives. To implement this, the authors suggest creating new institutions such as Ecosystem Service Districts, Biome Stewardship Councils, a Commission on Macroeconomics and Ecosystem Services for Poverty Reduction, and a global Leaders' Forum.

The report finds that while many governments have established legal frameworks for freedom of information, actual practice lags behind, particularly regarding proactive information release and meaningful public participation. It argues that environmental access rights are human rights and that their implementation improves the legitimacy and quality of environmental decisions. The document identifies hurdles such as vested interests and lack of capacity, and provides recommendations for governments and advocates to foster a culture of openness and accountability in environmental governance.

The Male’ Declaration, adopted by Small Island Developing States in 2007, argues that climate change threatens fundamental human rights and calls for urgent global action to limit temperature rises to below 2°C and greenhouse gas concentrations to under 450ppm. It specifically requests that the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights study the effects of climate change on human rights and that the UN Human Rights Council convene a debate on the subject in March 2009.

The document assesses the role of agricultural biotechnology in Eastern and Southern Africa, arguing that while the technology can address biotic and abiotic constraints for small-scale farmers, a significant gap exists between technical potential and actual benefit. It identifies key barriers including weak public breeding systems, high transaction costs related to Intellectual Property Rights (IPR), and inadequate biosafety regulatory frameworks. The paper recommends increased public investment in research, the integration of formal and informal seed systems, and the development of regional biosafety cooperation to facilitate the dissemination of improved crop varieties.

The report identifies systemic failures by the Wilmar Group to adhere to its own sustainability policies, Indonesian law, and RSPO criteria. Key findings include evidence of intentional land burning for plantation development, the absence of approved Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs), and the violation of community land rights. The study also highlights misleading sustainability claims made by Wilmar and its financiers, including the IFC, and notes similar patterns of misconduct in other regions including Sumatra, Central Kalimantan, and Uganda.

The document examines the high volatility of coffee prices and the resulting financial instability for 20–25 million coffee-producing households. It argues that while traditional risk mitigation—such as diversification and reduced input use—is costly and inefficient, market-based instruments like futures, options, and over-the-counter (OTC) contracts can provide a more effective alternative. The report identifies significant barriers to adoption, including stringent 'Know Your Customer' (KYC) rules, lack of financial sophistication, and the inefficiency of many cooperatives. It suggests that the most viable path forward involves local banks acting as intermediaries, the development of local commodity exchanges, and the integration of risk management into physical trade and finance contracts.

The document argues that Africa's regional integration efforts have largely failed because they were based on an ideological Pan-Africanist model that prioritised politics over economics and ignored the necessity of domestic stability. The author contends that continental success is impossible without first achieving national success through bold economic reforms, the rule of law, and democratisation. While some Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like Comesa and the EAC show promise, the paper highlights systemic hurdles including overlapping memberships, weak institutional capacity, and a lack of political will to cede sovereignty. It advocates for 'developmental regionalism'—focusing on infrastructure and supply-side constraints—and an outward-looking approach that attracts foreign direct investment (FDI) and integrates Africa into the global market.

The document examines Uganda's shift from a state-monopolized commodity system to a liberalized market for coffee and cotton. It details the impact of price volatility and political instability on smallholder farmers, the role of the Coffee Marketing Board and Lint Marketing Board, and the subsequent adoption of diversification, vertical integration, and risk management tools like warehouse receipts and commodity exchanges to stabilize rural incomes.

The document examines the SPLA's efforts to disarm civilian populations in South Sudan following the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). It focuses on the violent disarmament of the Lou Nuer in Jonglei State, which resulted in significant casualties and looting, and contrasts this with a more peaceful process in Akobo. The author argues that the SPLA's approach was dominated by a militarist orientation and a desire to secure the south before confronting the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) in oil-producing borderlands. The paper also criticizes the United Nations for its failure to proactively manage internal disarmament and its tendency to ignore human rights abuses in the region.

The briefing analyzes Zimbabwe's strategic options regarding membership in the SADC, COMESA, SACU, and EAC regional blocs. While Zimbabwe has significantly higher trade volumes and deeper political ties with SADC, it is attracted to COMESA due to a larger, more balanced market and faster integration progress. The author concludes that Zimbabwe is likely to join the COMESA Customs Union, though this depends on South Africa's regional role and the outcome of EU Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations.