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The document argues that climate compatible development (CCD) planning in developing countries is often skewed toward external accountability to secure international finance, which can lead to ineffective domestic outcomes. To address this, the authors analyze experiences from the Rio Conventions and Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) processes, recommending multi-stakeholder engagement, evidence-based planning, wide communication, integrated planning across sectors and scales, and robust monitoring and evaluation to ensure that CCD strategies address real domestic needs while meeting international standards.

The document analyzes the failure to complete multiple phases of the DDR process in the DRC, noting that ongoing violence in the eastern region and a lack of political will have hindered stability. It highlights the tension between 'brassage' (retraining and deployment) and 'mixage' (local integration) and argues that the FARDC's security sector reform cannot succeed without the effective completion of DDR. The report details the roles of international bodies like MONUSCO and the World Bank, while criticizing the Congolese government's preference for operational equipment over institutional accountability and the fragmented approach of bilateral donors.

The paper challenges the finding that warming is robustly linked to civil war in Sub-Saharan Africa by replicating and testing the model used by Burke et al. (2009). Through influence diagnostics, alternative operationalizations of civil war, and expanded sample periods, the authors find that the reported positive effect of temperature is tenuous and often disappears. The analysis suggests that the original results were driven by a few influential observations involving foreign intervention and that climate variables provide negligible predictive power compared to country-specific fixed effects and time trends.

The document argues that the rise of emerging powers—specifically the BRIC nations—provides an opportunity for South Africa and the broader African continent to shift the global economic center of gravity toward the South. Minister Nkoana‐Mashabane emphasizes that South Africa seeks to balance its memberships in IBSA and BRIC to amplify the voice of developing nations in multilateral processes and the reform of Bretton Woods Institutions. For Africa to transition into an emerging power itself, the Minister identifies four critical priority areas: Infrastructure, Intra-trade, Industry, and Integration. The speech frames these geopolitical shifts not as a zero-sum game, but as a means to address shared global challenges including climate change and energy security through cooperation between the developed and developing worlds.

The 4th African Conference of Commandants, held in November 2010 in Uganda, focused on enhancing the efficiency of multinational peace support operations (PSOs) in Africa. The conference aimed to harmonize civilian, police, and military functions to support the African Standby Force (ASF). Delegates reviewed the status of multidimensionality in peacekeeping, analyzed the African Union Mission in Somalia, and developed a strategy to consolidate previous workplans for the coming year.

The statement outlines the architecture and status of South Africa's national APRM programme, emphasizing that civil society is the most critical component for ensuring the process's legitimacy. It identifies significant barriers to effective participation, including a lack of national ownership, limited access to information, and a critical shortage of financial resources, particularly for smaller NGOs. The document calls for collaborative strategies between government, business, and civil society to address these capacity gaps and align national performance targets with APRM goals.

The document examines the rise of Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) and the challenges they pose to state monopolies on force. It argues that while PMSCs offer specialized skills and logistical support that could enhance African peacekeeping and Security Sector Reform (SSR), a critical lack of a binding international legal framework leads to accountability gaps and human rights abuses. The author distinguishes PMSCs from mercenaries and advocates for a supportive, non-offensive role for these companies, regulated by international law to prevent impunity.

The document examines how natural resources—both through abundance and scarcity—fuel social and armed conflicts in Africa. It argues that traditional peace processes often fail by focusing on 'high politics' (like power-sharing) while ignoring the underlying political economy of resource distribution. Using the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (IC/GLR), and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) as examples, the author advocates for integrating natural resource management into diplomatic and mediation frameworks to achieve sustainable peace.

The DRC faces significant hurdles in establishing state authority and territorial integrity, complicated by a stalled decentralisation process and border disputes over oil and gas deposits. The transition from MONUC to MONUSCO represents a symbolic shift toward stabilisation, while the STAREC programme attempts to restore basic institutional infrastructure in conflict zones. Resource governance remains precarious due to illegal mineral trade, lack of monitoring technology for oil exports, and legal disputes over mining contracts involving international corporations.

The document critiques the African Union's (AU) decision to increase AMISOM forces from approximately 6,300 to 8,000 troops following Al-Shabaab bombings in Kampala in July 2010. It argues that the mission lacks the resources and political support necessary to succeed, noting that the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) lacks national legitimacy. Drawing parallels to failures in Afghanistan and previous UN missions in Somalia, the authors suggest that military intervention alone cannot resolve the crisis. They recommend a holistic strategy centered on an all-inclusive political process involving Al-Shabaab, Hizbul Islam, Puntland, and Somaliland, alongside the involvement of regional actors like Ethiopia and Eritrea, before transferring the mandate to a fully resourced UN mission.

The document examines the 'societal nexus' of resource extraction in Africa, where the intersection of state, corporate, and community interests often leads to conflict, poverty, and alienation. It highlights how historical trauma and corruption hinder the establishment of civic peace and transparent governance. Using examples from the DRC, Nigeria, Ghana, and Uganda, the author argues that transforming the 'war of words' and zero-sum competition into a discourse of cooperation and shared learning is essential for sustainable development.

The communiqué from the July 2010 Kampala conference identifies critical areas for improving the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). Key recommendations include the urgent need to fill the vacant CEO position of the APRM Secretariat, the integration of National Programmes of Action (NPOA) into national budgeting and planning, and the requirement for National Governing Councils to maintain institutional independence with a non-executive majority. The document emphasizes that while twelve countries had completed reviews by 2010, the pace of accession and execution remains slow, urging all 53 African states to join the mechanism.

The document is a communiqué from a conference held in Kampala, Uganda, focused on enhancing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It identifies critical gaps in the current process, including the slow pace of evaluations, the lack of attention given to National Action Plans (PAN), and insufficient access to information for the public. The participants call for stronger commitment from heads of state, greater institutional independence for national governing councils, and a more inclusive approach to civil society engagement. It also highlights the need to fill the vacant position of President of the APRM Secretariat and to integrate media coverage into the APRM questionnaire.

The document argues that Zimbabwe is not ready for elections due to a lack of a new constitution, financial constraints, and ongoing political instability within the Government of National Unity (GNU). It highlights that the security forces remain under Zanu-PF control and that essential reforms in media laws and human rights have not progressed, risking a return to the violence seen in 2008.

The document defines environmental justice as the right to healthy living environments and a fair share of nature's benefits. It argues that the poorest populations are disproportionately affected by environmental damage and climate change, while the wealthiest are most responsible. Friends of the Earth advocates for 'climate justice,' where rich countries lead in carbon cuts and fund adaptation for poorer nations. The text highlights specific case studies of its work, including fighting oil pollution in Nigeria, uranium mining in Australia, and urban planning issues in the UK.

The policy brief evaluates the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a governance monitoring tool designed to foster political stability and sustainable development in Africa. The author identifies ten reasons for optimism, noting that 29 African countries have voluntarily joined the process and that the mechanism has accelerated its pace of reviews over time. While the author acknowledges that the system struggles to hold heads of state accountable for specific crises, the APRM has produced comprehensive reports that identify systemic weaknesses and has led to tangible governance gains in countries like Ghana, Rwanda, and Kenya. The brief concludes that the APRM empowers citizens through participatory assessment and promotes peer learning among states, though it requires more transparent leadership and better documentation of successes to maintain momentum.

The 2010 flight disruptions caused by the Eyjafjallajokull eruption primarily affected African countries dependent on air-transported agricultural perishables, such as flower exporters in East Africa. While bulk commodity trade via sea remained stable, the crisis highlighted the vulnerability of relying on Europe as a primary trading partner. The author argues that African nations must diversify their trade partners, specifically exploring South-South trade with emerging economies like Brazil, India, and China, to mitigate risks from future natural disasters or trade restrictions.

The report traces the conceptual shift of sexual violence in conflict, moving from the 'lootpillageandrape' nexus of early 20th-century wars to the systematic 'rape camps' of the 1990s. It examines the role of the Bosnian and Rwandan genocides in establishing rape as a weapon of war and a crime against humanity. The document analyzes three theoretical frameworks—essentialism, structuralism, and social constructionism—to explain the motivations of perpetrators and the targeting of victims. It further details the development of international legal mechanisms, including the ICTY, ICTR, and the ICC, and the impact of UN Security Council Resolutions 1325, 1820, and 1888 on the protection of women and the institutionalization of gender units in peacekeeping missions.

The document reports on a February 2010 roundtable discussing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights the mechanism's success in attracting 30 member states and producing 12 comprehensive Country Review Reports (CRRs) that diagnose governance failures. However, it identifies critical weaknesses, including a 'crisis of leadership', insufficient funding, and a lack of systematic implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The discussion emphasizes the need for greater transparency in the Panel of Eminent Persons and more robust civil society engagement to ensure the APRM's long-term credibility and impact.

The document analyzes the African Standby Force (ASF) as a critical component of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It argues that while the ASF is designed to provide a rapid, multidimensional response to African crises—including the right to intervene in cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity—its effectiveness is severely hindered by gaps in funding, logistics, administrative capacity, and political will. The author concludes that the ASF is unlikely to meet its projected 2010 operational capabilities and will likely have a modest impact on complex conflicts in the short to medium term.