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The document examines the link between biodiversity loss and human rights violations, specifically focusing on the role of transnational corporations (TNCs) in driving ecological destruction and suppressing defenders. It criticizes voluntary mechanisms like Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and due diligence as 'shields' for impunity and calls for a legally binding treaty on TNCs and human rights. The report emphasizes the importance of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) and the recognition of Indigenous Peoples as rights-holders rather than mere stakeholders.

The report examines the land-use intensity of various renewable energy sources and proposes dual-land-use systems—such as agrivoltaics and ecovoltaics—to mitigate land degradation and enhance biodiversity and food security. It emphasizes the need for cross-sectoral policy coordination, inclusive governance, and targeted finance to ensure the energy transition does not compromise land health or local livelihoods.

The report examines how Egypt, South Sudan, and Chad manage the influx of Sudanese refugees, highlighting a systemic gap between international legal commitments and the lived realities of displaced persons. It identifies specific failures in each country—Egypt's security-heavy approach, South Sudan's operational fragility, and Chad's institutional weakness—and recommends regional coordination through the AU and IGAD to establish a predictable protection framework.

The study argues that climate disinformation in the Global South is not a digital accident but a reactivation of 'colonial logics of mediated authority.' By analyzing 200 social media posts and socio-cultural indices across eleven former British colonies in Africa, the author develops a 'Model of Indirect Epistemic Domination.' This model posits that disinformation achieves legitimacy by using trusted intermediaries—such as religious leaders and social media influencers—to frame climate falsehoods as indigenous truths. Statistical analysis reveals that religiosity and media access are the strongest predictors of susceptibility to climate disinformation, while formal education and trust in science do not provide significant protection.

The research identifies that climate disinformation in southwestern Uganda is propagated by authority figures—including politicians, religious leaders, and traditional elders—who exploit cultural norms and farmer vulnerability. Key narratives include framing climate change as a "Western agenda," carbon markets as a form of neo-colonialism, and environmental disasters as divine punishment. These narratives, combined with political greenwashing (such as promoting unsuitable eucalyptus trees or commercial crops without soil research), lead to agricultural failure, financial loss, and a distrust of scientific adaptation. The study emphasizes that countering these trends requires trust-building, youth engagement, and climate literacy programs delivered in local languages and relatable formats.

The document argues that Colombia's previous renewable energy auctions, which focused exclusively on price, led to social conflicts and project cancellations, particularly in La Guajira. It proposes a new framework incorporating non-price criteria—such as local employment, community benefit-sharing, and gender perspectives—into qualification and award processes. Additionally, it suggests creating a dedicated support agency and a 'joining process' (proceso de adhesión) to enable small-scale community energy projects (up to 5 MW) to access the market without competing directly with large developers.

The document analyzes Nigeria's climate policy through four 'policy moments', highlighting a persistent struggle with institutional overlap and fragmented governance. It examines how internal competition between bodies like the National Council on Climate Change (NCCC) and the Office of the Special Presidential Envoy on Climate (OSPEC) dilutes Nigeria's international bargaining power. The paper also discusses the impact of global energy market shifts, the divestment of onshore assets by International Oil Companies (IOCs), and the challenges of removing fuel subsidies. It concludes that Nigeria must move away from transplanting foreign institutional models and instead develop a domestically driven, streamlined framework that integrates the petroleum sector into its climate goals.

Nigeria's climate agenda is hampered by overlapping institutions and a lack of elite consensus, which diminishes its bargaining power internationally. While the Tinubu administration has attempted to centralize governance through the Office of the Special Presidential Envoy on Climate (OSPEC) and the Presidential Climate Action Committee (PCAC), these moves risk further fragmentation by sidelining statutory bodies like the National Council on Climate Change (NCCC). Externally, Nigeria faces declining oil exports to China and India and increased competition from the US in European markets, intensifying the need for a successful energy transition. The report highlights a trend of International Oil Companies (IOCs) divesting from onshore assets due to regulatory instability, while noting that agile local firms are better positioned to navigate domestic complexities.

During the UN General Assembly's 80th anniversary, African leaders challenged the traditional aid model, citing a legitimacy crisis driven by funding cuts and coercive conditionality. The document highlights a strategic shift toward 'aid to trade,' domestic fiscal capacity, and the demand for structural reforms in global governance. Key issues include a $4 trillion annual SDG financing gap, unsustainable debt servicing—with Sub-Saharan African countries spending approximately 12% of budgets on debt—and the failure of developed nations to meet climate finance pledges. Proposed solutions include the creation of a G20 Extraordinary Committee of Independent Experts to explore new financing models, the establishment of an African Credit Rating Agency, and the use of the UN's Multidimensional Vulnerability Index to improve access to concessional finance.

The report examines the impact of declining official development assistance (ODA) on Africa's energy sector, noting a 10% drop in ODA flows since 2020. It argues that this funding gap, particularly severe in the energy sector, necessitates a shift toward private capital and domestic savings, which currently stand at 18% in Sub-Saharan Africa compared to a 36% global average. The document identifies structural inefficiencies in state-run utilities—where transmission and distribution losses cost the continent approximately 5 billion USD annually—as a primary barrier to progress. To achieve energy independence and industrial growth, the report recommends strengthening regional integration via the African Continental Free Trade Agreement to expand fragmented energy markets and diversifying away from expensive thermal generation. Ultimately, it calls for an energy agenda led by African nations rather than external funders in Washington, Brussels, or Beijing, treating energy investment as a development multiplier that could unlock market opportunities of nearly 12 trillion USD across four key sectors.

The report argues that tropical forests should be central to climate strategies, moving from being viewed as a risk to a solution. It analyzes 91 countries, categorizing them by forest cover and deforestation rates, and concludes that forest protection and restoration are compatible with economic growth. To address the funding gap for restoration, the authors propose the Reversing Deforestation Mechanism (RDM), a jurisdictional, results-based payment system for net carbon removals. RDM is designed to complement existing tools like JREDD+ and the Tropical Forest Forever Facility (TFFF). Simulations suggest that at a carbon price of US$ 50 per ton, RDM could generate significant annual revenues and remove up to 2 GtCO2 per year globally in its early stages.

Carbon Neobank is a digital financial vehicle designed to bridge the USD 331 billion SME finance gap in Africa by integrating international carbon markets into business banking. Headquartered in Kenya, it offers three primary products: receivables loans, unsecured working capital loans, and carbon-backed term loans, targeting a USD 1 billion total addressable market. The vehicle utilizes a digital-first model, leveraging a partnership with Ecobank for geographic reach across 33 countries and employing digital Measurement, Reporting, and Verification (dMRV) to monetize emission reductions. A USD 10.8 million pilot is planned to demonstrate the model's ability to mobilize private capital and deliver climate outcomes, including an estimated 6.097 million tCO2e in emission reductions over 10 years. The bank specifically targets the agricultural sector and women-led businesses to promote an inclusive green transition.

The report argues that transnational corporations (TNCs) like Chevron, Total, and Shell maintain a 'global architecture of impunity' through sophisticated lobbying networks that capture international governance. It specifically highlights the role of the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) and the International Organisation of Employers (IOE) in influencing the UN Human Rights Council's negotiations for a binding treaty on TNCs and human rights. The document details environmental and human rights violations in the Global South, including oil pollution in Ecuador and Nigeria, and fossil fuel projects in Uganda and Mozambique, while demanding the exclusion of corporate lobbyists from treaty negotiations to ensure accountability.

The report argues that TNCs like Chevron, Total, and Shell maintain a 'system of impunity' by leveraging powerful lobbying organizations, such as the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) and the International Organisation of Employers (IOE), to shape international law. It documents severe human rights and environmental abuses linked to these companies in Ecuador, Mozambique, Uganda, Nigeria, and Palestine. The document specifically critiques the current UN negotiation process for the Binding Treaty, claiming that the inclusion of corporate lobbyists as 'stakeholders' creates a conflict of interest that dilutes accountability mechanisms and prioritizes corporate profit over human rights and planetary health.

The report argues that multinational corporations use lobbying networks like the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) and the International Organisation of Employers (IOE) to undermine the creation of a legally binding UN treaty on business and human rights. It documents environmental and human rights abuses by Chevron in Ecuador, Total in Uganda and Mozambique, and Shell in Nigeria, illustrating a systemic 'architecture of impunity'. The authors call for the exclusion of corporate lobbyists from UN negotiations to ensure the treaty prioritizes human rights over corporate profit.

The report examines the role of securitisation in developing African capital markets, noting that while South Africa has a mature market, other sub-Saharan regions remain nascent. It identifies significant barriers, including fragmented legal and tax frameworks, a lack of a 'ratings culture', and limited understanding among financial institutions. Despite these challenges, the study finds a substantial supply of securitisable assets in banking, microfinance, and fintech sectors. It recommends a holistic regulatory approach, the use of anchor investors from DFIs and MDBs, and the adoption of scalable structures like warehouse facilities to mobilise private capital and bridge the private credit gap.

The report examines eight innovative financial instruments—including the Adaptation Benefit Mechanism, biodiversity credits, carbon taxes, carbon trading, credit guarantees, debt-for-nature/climate resilience swaps, pooled investment funds, and sovereign green/sustainability-linked bonds—to bridge the climate finance gap in developing countries. It identifies common barriers such as limited institutional capacity, lack of robust project pipelines, and underdeveloped local capital markets. The document emphasizes that while these instruments can signal a government's commitment to climate action, their success depends on a supportive enabling environment characterized by effective leadership, clear taxonomies, and robust climate data. For least developed countries (LDCs), the report suggests a phased approach, first strengthening basic financial and legal prerequisites before focusing on 'climate investability'. It concludes with specific recommendations for donors and development partners to provide technical assistance, anchor investments, and pilot projects to scale up private sector mobilization.

The document argues that while WTO rules provide policy space for LDCs to build climate-resilient agriculture, these countries often lack the financial and technical capacity to utilize them. It recommends targeted assistance through Aid for Trade to design compliant subsidies, mapping of climate technologies to facilitate TRIPS-compliant transfers, and the establishment of exemptions for LDCs from food and fertilizer export bans to ensure food security amid climate shocks.

The report advocates for the scaling of farmer field schools (FFS) in Uganda to address gaps in the national agricultural extension system and improve the water-energy-food (WEF) nexus. Based on a 2023 collaborative learning school (CLS) in the Buikwe District, the document argues that FFS can empower farmers through hands-on experimentation and social cohesion, reducing the burden on overstretched government resources. It identifies key barriers such as trust deficits and uneven geographic distribution, and recommends integrating FFS into national policy through university partnerships and financial incentives.

The document examines the failure of uniform utility reform models in Africa, emphasizing that success depends on local context rather than ideological blueprints like privatization or cost-reflective tariffs. It contrasts the struggles of Nigeria and Ghana with the more successful, context-specific approaches in Morocco and Côte d’Ivoire, while highlighting the tension between commercial viability and poverty-driven affordability in countries like Zambia and Ethiopia.