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The document analyzes the 'exhaustion of local remedies' (ELR) rule, which requires foreign investors to seek redress in a host state's domestic courts before initiating international arbitration. It notes that while ELR is a cornerstone of customary international law and human rights law, it has been largely bypassed in international investment law, where silence in treaties is often interpreted as a waiver. The guide details various treaty practices—including explicit requirements, time-limited exercises of remedies, and express waivers—and reviews jurisprudence on whether ELR is a jurisdictional or procedural requirement. It concludes by providing policy recommendations for states wishing to reintroduce ELR to protect national sovereignty and strengthen domestic legal systems.

The WACC Strategic Plan 2017–2021 establishes a framework to promote 'communication for all' as a fundamental human right. The organization aims to support marginalized populations—specifically those denied communication rights based on gender, status, or identity—through advocacy, capacity-building, and the creation of global networks. Key initiatives include the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP), the development of a Communication Rights Index, and a campaign to end news media sexism by 2020. WACC aligns its goals with the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement, positioning communication as essential for achieving these global targets.

The report analyzes seven multilateral climate funds—the Green Climate Fund (GCF), Global Environment Facility (GEF), Adaptation Fund (AF), Least Developed Countries Fund (LDCF), Special Climate Change Fund (SCCF), and the Clean Technology Fund (CTF) and Strategic Climate Fund (SCF)—against five strategies for transformative change: achieving impact at scale, promoting country ownership, improving efficiency, supporting equitable allocation, and increasing accountability. It finds that the proliferation of funds has led to overlapping roles and inefficiencies. The authors recommend short-term reforms to clarify fund specialization and long-term architectural changes, including the potential consolidation or sunsetting of certain funds, such as the CIFs, SCCF, and LDCF, to streamline the climate finance landscape.

Manish Bapna, representing the World Resources Institute and the Open Government Partnership (OGP), argues that while open government cannot solve all global crises alone, it is a necessary prerequisite for solving them. He identifies a failure of governance evidenced by the rise of populism, extreme poverty, and climate change. To combat this, he proposes five steps: protecting civic space, fostering citizen-centered governance, pursuing transformational rather than incremental change, improving tangible quality-of-life outcomes (such as clean air and water), and reinvigorating political leadership to deepen the impact of OGP commitments.

The report examines Turkey's transition to an 'emerging donor' through its activities in Somalia, highlighting a 'multi-actor and multi-track policy' that combines humanitarian aid, development assistance, and strategic political engagement. While praised for its rapid delivery and respect for national ownership, the Turkish approach is noted for lacking structured monitoring and evaluation and being heavily concentrated in Mogadishu.

This report examines Turkey's multifaceted engagement in Somalia, which intensified following the 2010–2012 famine. It analyzes the trends and challenges of Turkey's approach as an emerging donor in a conflict setting, highlighting its willingness to deploy staff despite security risks and its emphasis on national ownership.

The author contends that the EU's approach to Turkey is overly focused on refugees and civil liberties, ignoring critical security dynamics in Syria. The text details Turkey's shifting relationship with the Assad regime, its conflict with the PKK, and the role of the Turkish 'deep state' in collaborating with various militants. It highlights the strategic importance of 'Operation Euphrates Shield' in closing IS communication lines and urges the EU to collaborate with Turkey on the liberation of Raqqa and the peace process with Kurdish separatists.

The author argues that the European radical right is moving toward becoming a dominant political force by utilizing a 'common political playbook' of delegitimizing institutions and reforming state architecture to maintain power. This movement is characterized by opposition to minorities, migration, European integration, and 'gender ideology', with Russia and Turkey serving as strategic reference points. To counter this, the author proposes a three-part Green strategy: exposing the hypocrisy and foreign ties of nationalist movements, 'Europeanising' the Green movement to coordinate support across borders, and addressing the root causes of radical right popularity by championing progressive cultural identities and combating neoliberal economic precarity.

The report examines Qatar's strategic engagement in the Horn of Africa, driven by a desire for international significance and regional autonomy from Saudi Arabia and Iran. It highlights a highly centralised, personalised decision-making process led by the emir, which often bypasses formal diplomatic institutions. While Qatar has successfully mediated between Eritrea and Djibouti, its efforts in Darfur are characterised as a failure due to a lack of contextual understanding and political leverage. The document details Qatar's use of financial wealth, military alliances with the US and Turkey, and the Al Jazeera network as primary instruments of influence.

The EU-Turkey deal significantly reduced sea crossings to Greece but shifted smuggling activities toward air travel and document fraud in Istanbul. While the deal provided temporary 'breathing space,' the paper argues it is unsustainable due to Turkey's internal political instability, economic pressures from hosting 2.75 million refugees, and the lack of a credible EU alternative.

The document analyzes the patterns of clandestine migration from North Africa to Europe, noting that while North Africans are a smaller group than sub-Saharan migrants, they are often innovators of new smuggling routes. It identifies three primary corridors: the central Mediterranean (increasingly popular via Libya), the eastern Mediterranean (via Turkey and the Balkans), and the western Mediterranean (declining due to security). The author argues that migration is primarily driven by economic desperation and youth unemployment rather than conflict, and that securitized border responses fail to address these root causes.

The document introduces agent-based modelling (ABM) as a bottom-up approach to study complex social and environmental systems by simulating the interactions of autonomous agents. It argues that ABM is particularly useful for problems involving decentralized interactions and non-linear dynamics where traditional top-down models fail. The authors highlight ABM's potential as a stakeholder engagement tool and its ability to be integrated with qualitative and quantitative methods like GIS and social network analysis. Four case studies are presented: disaster resilience in Turkey, agroforestry adaptation in Cameroon, biodiesel transitions in Malaysia, and artisanal fisheries management in Kenya.

The paper analyzes the diversity of (I)NDCs across target types, sectoral coverage, and greenhouse gas scopes, finding that while economy-wide absolute targets facilitate easier accounting, only 18 (I)NDCs (covering 41% of global emissions) currently employ them.

The author argues that the Euro and Schengen crises create opposing dependencies between the EU's centre and periphery. While the Euro crisis increased the centre's dominance by making the periphery dependent on financial support and austerity, the Schengen crisis makes the centre dependent on the periphery to manage external borders and migration. Rather than destroying the EU, these overlapping crises are likely to result in a more integrated core and an expanded, graduated periphery.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) argues that the Committee on the Rights of the Child should recognize an implied right to a healthy environment to ensure the effective realization of children's rights. Drawing on jurisprudence from other human rights bodies, CIEL demonstrates how a healthy environment is a necessary precondition for the rights to life, health, food, water, and an adequate standard of living. The document highlights that over 140 states have already incorporated environmental rights into their national constitutions, supporting an evolutionary interpretation of the Convention.

The research analyzes how climate finance investments generate economic value added not only in recipient countries but also in third countries through international trade, termed 'spill-overs'. Using a GMRIO model, the study finds that on average 28.6% of the total economic impact spills over to other countries. The ability to retain value added varies by country, with India and Brazil retaining around 80%, while Mexico and Indonesia retain no more than two thirds. The EU is the primary beneficiary of these spill-overs. The study also identifies that different types of climate actions produce varying levels of spill-overs: renewable energy technologies often generate high spill-overs (exceeding 35% for some), whereas forestry and coastal protection generate fewer than 20%. The authors suggest that donor countries may be influenced by these spill-over prospects when allocating funds, and recipient countries should improve industrial competitiveness to retain more economic gains.

The Stockholm Environment Institute reviewed 24 climate change mitigation policy databases, finding that while data availability is increasing, it is heavily skewed toward the energy sector and industrialized nations. The analysis reveals significant gaps in information regarding the agricultural sector, sub-Saharan Africa, policy costs, and actual emission savings. Furthermore, the review notes a lack of interactivity and poor linkage between different databases, which limits potential synergies for policy makers.

The EU-Turkey deal, implemented in March 2016, aimed to reduce irregular arrivals by establishing a 'one in, one out' resettlement formula for Syrian refugees. While the author notes the deal and accompanying border closures in Eastern and South Eastern Europe have successfully deterred arrivals, this has come at a high humanitarian cost. Refugees are now stranded in squalid conditions in Greece, Macedonia, and Serbia, or are forced onto more dangerous smuggling routes, including the Libya-Italy crossing. The author argues that the deal may undermine the international principle of 'non-refoulement' and that the EU's focus on deterrence has created a 'homemade humanitarian crisis'.

The author criticises the EU-Turkey deal reached on 18 March 2016, asserting that it fails to end irregular migration and instead leads to human rights violations, including the forced return of migrants and appalling detention conditions in Greece. The text argues that the EU is using non-binding 'statements' to avoid democratic scrutiny and parliamentary oversight. It proposes alternatives such as the yearly resettlement of 500,000 refugees over six years, humanitarian admission programmes, and labour mobility programs to replace the current focus on deterrence and criminalisation.

The study finds that the combined impact of climate change and expanded irrigation will generally reduce river runoff, with the most significant negative impact on hydropower production occurring in the Kizilirmak basin. While reservoirs in the Devoll basin improve water availability during low flow periods, reservoirs in the Kizilirmak basin increase water losses through evaporative surfaces and by enabling larger irrigation withdrawals.