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The report examines four high-emitting sectors—steel, cement, agriculture, and oil and gas—concluding that none have seriously initiated the disruptive changes required to align with the Paris Agreement. It emphasizes that while long-term transitions will take decades due to investment cycles and systemic complexity, immediate action is required to avoid locking in polluting assets. The authors argue that investors can drive impact through active engagement with value chains and by pressuring companies to commit to fundamental business model shifts rather than simple portfolio reallocation.

This briefing by the Stockholm Environment Institute explores how digital health and social care tools, such as Virtual Health Rooms (VHRs), can reduce carbon emissions and align with the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Using a case study of Storuman municipality in Sweden, the report estimates that VHRs can save approximately 31 tons of CO2 annually by reducing patient travel. It also details a co-production workshop that identified synergies between distance health solutions and SDGs related to health, climate action, responsible consumption, and public-private partnerships, advocating for a systemic, evidence-based approach to policy implementation to maximize benefits and mitigate trade-offs.

The document outlines a methodological plan to evaluate the effectiveness of adaptation finance in sub-Saharan Africa, specifically focusing on projects funded by multilateral climate funds and bilateral donors from the UK and Sweden. It proposes a theory of change to link financial inputs and project design to outcomes such as reduced climate risk and vulnerability. The protocol details a multi-pronged search strategy across academic and grey literature, and a synthesis approach combining meta-analysis, framework synthesis, and qualitative comparative analysis. However, the authors note that funding for the review was discontinued in March 2021, and the review will not be completed as described.

The study assesses ecotechnologies for nutrient and carbon recovery in Sweden, Poland, and Finland, finding that most are currently not economically feasible despite their potential for resource reduction and CO2 mitigation, with the exception of anaerobic digestion of agricultural wastes.

The document highlights the Montreal Protocol as a successful model of multilateralism where science, diplomacy, and the private sector collaborated to phase out ozone-depleting substances (ODS). It details how the Protocol and its amendments, including the Kigali Amendment, have prevented millions of skin cancer cases and cataracts while providing significant climate co-benefits by reducing greenhouse gas emissions. The brief emphasizes the importance of differentiated responsibilities for developing countries and the role of political will and industry cooperation in achieving global environmental goals.

The report explores the potential for a digital transition of the UNFCCC process, finding broad stakeholder support for moving technical and preparatory activities online, while highlighting significant concerns regarding power imbalances, the digital divide, and the loss of informal relationship-building essential for political consensus.

The paper surveys 29 long-term climate strategies (LTSs) submitted to the UNFCCC, representing 42 countries and 28% of global emissions. It finds a growing trend toward net-zero targets, an increasing focus on the fundamental economic and societal shifts required for transition, and a reliance on both natural and technological carbon removals. The analysis highlights that while most strategies include midcentury goals and modeling, the level of detail regarding adaptation and just transition varies, and some parties acknowledge gaps between their most ambitious scenarios and their final targets.

The document traces the history of sustainable consumption and production (SCP) from the 1972 Stockholm Conference to the adoption of SDG 12, highlighting a shift in UN discourse from inter-generational equity and consumption limits toward a more business-friendly focus on innovation and decoupling. It notes that despite multilateral commitments, the global material footprint grew by 17.4% between 2010 and 2017. The brief advocates for a 'systems approach' and a transition from linear to circular material flows, while suggesting that the COVID-19 pandemic and climate emergency necessitate a new economic paradigm that prioritizes social well-being and the common good over GDP growth.

The text examines the transition from 'public democracy' to 'platform democracy,' where social media algorithms prioritize sensationalism and disinformation over facts to maximize advertising revenue. It highlights how this environment undermines shared truths, citing examples like Donald Trump's use of misinformation and the role of bots in spreading climate change denial. The author proposes legislative interventions, such as mandatory fact-checking for users who encounter disinformation, the banning of micro-targeting, and the promotion of non-commercial platforms like Mastodon and Peertube. Furthermore, it advocates for treating large platforms as news organizations that must promote independent, ethically grounded journalism to reduce polarization and protect democratic stability.

The report argues that the current U.S. electricity transmission system is too slow and fragmented to meet decarbonization goals, which require tripling or quadrupling generating capacity and significantly expanding long-distance transmission. It proposes a '5P' framework—planning, permitting, paying, participation, and process—to replace the traditional three-P approach. The authors contrast two primary policy models: a private-enterprise approach relying on market incentives and regulatory streamlining, and a public-initiative approach centered on a National Transmission Authority (NTA) with federal siting and ownership powers. The report concludes that a national transmission plan is an imperative to coordinate these efforts across state and federal jurisdictions.

The report examines framework climate laws in the UK, France, Mexico, Finland, Sweden, and Victoria (Australia), concluding that while such laws provide a critical political signal and a structured pathway for decarbonisation, most have struggled with implementation. Key failures include a lack of binding interim targets, overcomplexity in governance, and insufficient accountability mechanisms. The report recommends that future laws impose clear, enforceable duties on high-level government decision-makers, integrate independent scientific advisory bodies, and combine long-term goals with frequent short-term progress reporting to avoid 'paper tiger' legislation.

The briefing proposes a coal tax for Indonesia to address the environmental and health costs of coal, which accounts for 40% of the energy sector's carbon emissions. Drawing on India's experience with a coal 'cess', the authors suggest a tax of IDR 78,700 (USD 5.50) per tonne, which could generate IDR 49 trillion (USD 3.6 billion) annually. This revenue could fund a just transition, compensate vulnerable households for rising electricity prices, and incentivize clean energy investment. The document notes that while Indonesia is considering an emissions trading scheme (ETS) and a carbon tax, these take longer to implement, making a targeted coal tax a more immediate and administratively simpler solution.

Juliane Schmidt advocates for the EU to transition from basic gender mainstreaming to a 'green feminist foreign policy' that employs an intersectional approach to address the gendered impacts of climate change, conflict, and natural disasters. The author critiques the European External Action Service (EEAS) for its male-dominated leadership and the Gender Action Plan III (GAP III) for lacking inclusive language and gender-responsive budgeting. The text suggests that the EU should follow the lead of pioneer countries like Sweden by implementing mandatory staff training, binding gender chapters in trade agreements, and systemic changes to institutional culture to ensure that women and marginalised groups are agents of change rather than mere beneficiaries.

The system analysis identifies specific SDGs that drive positive effects for the overall implementation of Agenda 2030 in Sweden, while also highlighting direct goal conflicts that hinder progress for six specific goals.

The report argues that deep decarbonization of transportation requires a diverse set of solutions across technology, policy, and behavior, as no single technology can address all subsectors. Key strategies include the deployment of battery electric vehicles (BEVs) for light-duty and short-haul freight, hydrogen and ammonia for heavy-duty and marine transport, and sustainable aviation fuels (SAFs) for aircraft. The authors emphasize that efficiency improvements are a critical near-term tool across all modes. A central policy recommendation is the adoption of a performance-based, adaptive framework, specifically a Low Carbon Fuel Standard (LCFS) transitioning to a Zero-Carbon Fuel Standard (ZCFS) by 2050, to allow various fuels and vehicles to compete while reducing overall carbon intensity. The report also highlights the daunting nature of infrastructure transitions and the uncertainty of consumer behavior and automated vehicle impacts.

The report analyzes the Mises Institute Network, a global group of ultra-libertarian think tanks, and its efforts to obstruct climate change mitigation. It finds that the network uses the philosophy of Ludwig von Mises to argue against state intervention and climate science, promoting 'free-market environmentalism' instead. While climate change was not a primary focus before 2016, there was a significant spike in opposition content in 2019, coinciding with the U.S. and EU Green Deal proposals. The network operates across 25 countries, utilizing social media and university presence to recruit young activists and employing climate contrarians to spread its messaging.

The document challenges the notion that heavy transport and industrial heat are 'hard-to-abate' sectors, suggesting that they can be decarbonized profitably. It emphasizes the role of plummeting renewable energy costs and the potential for massive efficiency gains in trucking, aviation, shipping, and the production of steel and cement. The author advocates for 'integrative design' and structural efficiency to drastically reduce the volume of materials needed, thereby lowering both costs and emissions.

The policy brief examines the history and impact of UN mega-conferences on sustainable development, focusing on the 1972 Stockholm Conference, the 1992 Rio Earth Summit, the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg, and the 2012 Rio+20 conference. It highlights the persistent tension between developed and developing nations regarding the priority of economic development versus environmental protection. While these events have established global agendas, common principles, and institutional mechanisms like UNEP and the HLPF, the author notes that they often struggle to catalyze national-level action due to a lack of political will and a tendency for negotiations to protect narrow national interests. The document concludes that while mega-conferences are valuable for stakeholder integration and agenda-setting, they are not a substitute for the political will required to solve global sustainable development challenges.

The report identifies key 'catalyst' goals that drive progress across the entire 2030 Agenda in Sweden, while highlighting specific trade-offs where progress in one goal hinders another. It emphasizes that while most interactions are positive, targeted interventions are needed for goals that receive little systemic support and for resolving critical conflicts, particularly those involving energy, biodiversity, and economic growth.

The text traces the evolution of Estonia's LGBT+ movement from the 1990s to 2021, highlighting the 2014 Registered Partnership Act and its subsequent failure to be fully implemented. It details the hostile environment created by the EKRE party during its time in government, including a proposed referendum to define marriage strictly as between a man and a woman. While the collapse of the coalition in January 2021 cancelled the referendum, the authors argue that the new government's refusal to change the definition of marriage in the Family Law Act indicates a continuing reluctance to achieve full marriage equality.