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The policy brief argues that achieving the EU's climate goals requires a rapid reorientation of private finance, as the current 'clean energy:fossil fuel' finance ratio for major EU banks is only 1.6:1. Reclaim Finance proposes four key measures: mandating a 6:1 investment ratio in clean energy versus fossil fuels by 2030, requiring robust and binding climate transition plans aligned with a 1.5°C trajectory, prohibiting financial services for new fossil fuel production projects based on the 'do no significant harm' (DNSH) principle, and urging the European Central Bank to offer preferential refinancing rates for sustainable activities, such as energy-efficient building renovations.

The research assesses the effectiveness of carbon abatement projects funded by municipal green bonds in Sweden, finding that clean energy production, particularly wind energy, is more cost-efficient than other emerging technologies like carbon capture storage. The study utilizes life-cycle costs and considers all greenhouse gases to evaluate these investments, noting that the Swedish carbon tax serves as an effective incentive for clean energy projects.

The author contends that current climate policies often fail because they do not address carbon inequalities or provide immediate economic relief, making them vulnerable to far-right populist rhetoric. The text proposes a 'post-growth' approach that prioritizes human well-being over profit and advocates for a 'militant' green-red alliance. A central practical solution highlighted is the use of energy communities—not-for-profit entities that allow citizens and municipalities to co-own renewable energy projects—to democratize energy production and reduce costs for vulnerable households. The author calls for the redirection of fossil fuel subsidies toward clean heating and the implementation of structural investments in deep renovations and electric mobility to prevent regressive social effects from policies like the expanded Emissions Trading System.

The document examines the disproportionate impact of climate change on African youth and their subsequent rise in activism. It highlights the gap between youth demographics and political leadership in Africa, the specific climate vulnerabilities in countries like Nigeria and Sudan, and the systemic barriers activists face, including financial constraints and state repression. The author calls for the establishment of youth councils, dedicated funding, and protection mechanisms to ensure young people can shape climate-resilient policies.

The report finds that while CETP signatories have made progress in restricting fossil fuel finance, they have not yet fully prioritized clean energy support. In the first year of implementation, signatories moved USD 6.5 billion out of fossil fuels and USD 5.2 billion into clean energy, which is significantly lower than the estimated annual potential of USD 28 billion. The analysis reveals that most high-income signatories lack CETP-aligned policies that fully prioritize clean energy, and there is a widespread lack of provisions for fair and transformative financing, such as grant-based instruments for the countries most in need.

The report finds that while current national targets collectively aim for a doubling of renewable capacity by 2030, they often underestimate the actual pace of deployment. A global tripling to 11,000 GW is considered achievable if governments update targets to reflect recent growth and maintain a 17% annual increase in additions. The analysis identifies specific countries with high potential to increase ambition, such as Australia, Japan, South Korea, and the UAE, while noting that others like India and Saudi Arabia already have targets that aim for a tripling of their 2022 capacity.

The Stockholm Environment Institute warns that the EU Critical Raw Materials Act may exacerbate human rights breaches and 'green colonialism' in the Sámi homeland. While welcoming the inclusion of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and FPIC in the draft, the authors argue these are insufficient due to gaps in national legislation in Sweden and Finland, the potential for weak certification schemes, and the lack of resources for Sámi communities to engage with fast-tracked licensing. They propose an EU-level oversight mechanism, stricter certification standards requiring FPIC, and a funding mechanism to support affected rights-holders.

The document argues that current impact assessment processes in Sweden and Finland fail to account for the cumulative effects of industrial land use, leading to violations of Sámi Indigenous rights. It emphasizes the necessity of treating Indigenous peoples as rights-holders rather than stakeholders and advocates for the implementation of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) supported by robust cumulative impact data to ensure a just green transition.

The document outlines a proposal by the Swedish Development Research Network (SweDev) to the Swedish government, warning that recent funding cuts to Sida and university-based development research threaten Sweden's capacity to address global challenges like climate change and poverty. The authors call for a new national strategy and the creation of an excellence center for research on equitable global development.

The report argues that current carbon dioxide removal (CDR) governance systems are flawed because they often treat carbon removal as equivalent to emission reductions, leading to 'mitigation deterrence'. It examines regulatory tools like emissions trading systems (ETS), tax credits, and public auctions, as well as voluntary carbon markets (VCMs). The authors conclude that CDR must be a complementary tool, not a substitute for decarbonization. They propose a policy framework based on three principles: precaution, 'do no significant harm' (DNSH), and the primacy of emission reductions. Key recommendations include separating emission reduction targets from CDR and land-based sequestration targets, implementing rigorous measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV) systems, and shifting from offsetting models to 'contributive approaches' or public procurement like reverse auctions.

The document argues that current carbon dioxide removal (CDR) policies often encourage 'mitigation deterrence' by treating removals as equivalent to emission reductions. It reviews various mechanisms—including emissions trading systems, tax credits, and voluntary markets—and concludes that most fail to ensure environmental integrity or permanence. The authors propose a 'blueprint' for sensible policy that strictly separates emission reduction targets from removal targets, mandates robust monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV), and prioritizes the 'Do No Significant Harm' principle. It suggests that funding for CDR should come from carbon pricing revenues or dedicated procurement schemes rather than offsetting mechanisms.

The briefing contends that fossil fuel extraction in Africa has failed to provide energy access, with 600 million people remaining without power while resources are exported. It highlights that Africa possesses 39% of the global renewable energy potential but lacks the investment and technology to harness it. The document proposes a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty based on non-proliferation, fair phase-out, and a just transition to provide the international framework needed to shift financing from fossil fuels to renewables and ensure a just energy transition for the continent.

The briefing contends that fossil fuel extraction in Africa has failed to provide universal electricity access, with 600 million people still lacking power, while most production is exported. It highlights that Africa possesses 39% of the world's renewable energy potential but receives only 2% of global renewable investments. The document proposes a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty based on three pillars: non-proliferation of new infrastructure, a just phase-out of existing production, and financial/technical support for a global transition to renewables.

The report finds that most National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans (NBSAPs) fail to meaningfully engage Indigenous Peoples (IPs) and local communities (LCs) or secure their land tenure and rights. While traditional knowledge is more frequently recognized, there is a critical absence of safeguards to prevent human rights violations during conservation efforts. The assessment recommends a rights-based approach that treats IPs and LCs as full and equal partners, ensures direct access to finance, and enshrines legal safeguards and land tenure security within national biodiversity strategies.

The report examines parental leave policies in the mining sector across 12 countries, comparing national laws with corporate policies. While many mining companies provide benefits that meet or exceed legal requirements, the report identifies a 'leaky pipeline' where women leave the industry between ages 35 and 44. This suggests that formal policies are undermined by workplace cultures that create anxiety around pregnancy disclosure and a lack of support for the transition back to work. The document advocates for normalizing paternity leave for men and improving awareness of reproductive rights to foster a more inclusive environment.

The Resource Flow (FdR) exercise is a participatory mapping tool developed by the Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) to help rural communities, specifically in Burkina Faso, identify and valorize household 'natural' waste—such as human and animal excreta, greywater, and organic residues—as nutrients for sustainable agriculture. The guide outlines a two-step process: the collaborative creation of a visual resource flow diagram (production $\rightarrow$ consumption $\rightarrow$ waste management) and subsequent discussions to identify system weaknesses and potential productive innovations. It includes detailed animation narratives, data collection sheets for diagnostics and awareness-raising, and a library of visual aids to facilitate the process.

The analysis of over 800,000 responses from the Klimatkalkylatorn tool reveals that the average Swedish household carbon footprint is 4.3 tons CO2e per person, with significant variations based on municipality type, income, and family structure. Food is the largest emission driver overall, while air travel causes the widest disparities between households. The study highlights that residents in commuting municipalities near large cities often have the highest footprints, whereas those in large cities have the lowest overall footprints, primarily due to reduced car travel.

The document discusses the role of municipalities in maintaining carbon sinks, noting that in forested countries like Finland, Norway, and Sweden, this is complicated by the desire to use wood to replace fossil fuels. It argues that while formal policy instruments to prevent forest conversion are under-developed, local governments can lead through voluntary actions and land-use influence.

The document defines the 'Strategic Alliance Global Order' as a system where no single state possesses absolute dominance, forcing countries to build complex networks of alliances to maintain influence. It analyzes how this dynamic is accelerating due to the Ukraine war and is manifesting in the growth of minilateralism, the expansion of blocs like BRICS and the EU, and the strategic maneuvering of middle powers. The author suggests that South Africa and other Global South nations can leverage this environment to act as bridges between different global configurations to promote a rules-based international system.

The document explores community ownership of clean energy infrastructure as a means to address socio-political and techno-economic barriers to deployment. It details various ownership models used in the US and Europe, including LLC direct ownership, partnership 'flips', and cooperatives, while highlighting the potential impact of the US Inflation Reduction Act's transferability and direct pay provisions.