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The paper assesses the continuity of French Africa policy under President François Hollande and identifies opportunities for South Africa to partner with France. It suggests that while the two nations may differ on specific conflicts, their shared interests in democratic governance and security, combined with France's permanent seat on the UN Security Council and South Africa's influence in the African Union, create a strategic basis for collaboration.

The document provides updates on the political instability and foreign policy of Eritrea, including its relations with Ethiopia and Sudan, and reports on Kofi Annan's visit to Kenya to assess preparations for the March 2013 elections.

The document analyzes how disputes over oil transit fees and resource control led to a cessation of oil production in South Sudan in January 2012 and armed clashes in the Heglig border area in April 2012. It details the pressures faced by international oil companies caught between the two governments and the diplomatic efforts by the UN Security Council and the African Union High-Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP) to broker a deal. The brief concludes with the September 2012 agreements on transit fees and compensation, while cautioning that implementation remains uncertain.

The African Union (AU) has shifted the continental focus from decolonisation to development and economic integration. While it has established institutional infrastructure, implemented peacekeeping missions, and promoted democratic norms—such as refusing to recognise coup-led governments—it faces a structural impasse in achieving developmental goals. The author argues that the AU must move beyond ambitious declarations toward pragmatic outcomes, specifically by translating governance into developmental deliverables, strengthening regional economic communities like ECOWAS, and clarifying leadership principles for the AU Commission.

The report examines foreign investment in agriculture across MERCOSUR, identifying three primary models: state-level cooperation agreements, direct private land purchases, and foreign direct investment in production via contract farming. It highlights a general lack of reliable data, though estimates suggest foreign ownership varies significantly, from 1.7% of arable land in Brazil to 19.4% of national territory in Paraguay. While Brazil and Argentina have implemented laws to restrict foreign land ownership, Uruguay is debating similar measures, and Paraguay has seen little public discussion on restrictions despite high foreign ownership. The document recommends the establishment of national land registries and clear definitions of 'foreign stakeholders' to better manage and monitor these investments.

The report analyzes foreign investment in the agricultural sectors of MERCOSUR countries, identifying three primary models: state-to-state cooperation agreements, direct private land purchases, and foreign direct investment in production via contract farming. It highlights a general lack of robust data across the region, though it notes that foreigners own approximately 1.7% of Brazil's arable land and an estimated 3.4% of Argentina's. Paraguay shows the highest level of foreign ownership at 19.4% of its national territory, largely held by Brazilians. The document details the legislative shift toward restricting foreign land ownership in Argentina and Brazil, while noting that Uruguay is debating similar measures and Paraguay lacks significant public debate or effective restrictions. It concludes that while foreign investment can bring technology, it often risks displacing local producers and threatening food security if not properly regulated through clear definitions of foreign ownership and national land registries.

The document analyzes the escalation of violence in North Kivu, DRC, linked to the M23 rebel group and alleged Rwandan support, alongside the economic collapse and civil unrest in Sudan following the loss of oil revenues to South Sudan.

Since resuming official ties in 2006, China has become a significant economic partner for Chad, primarily through the $1 billion Rônier oil project. While this partnership has provided President Idriss Déby with political and economic leverage, it has also faced tensions over petroleum pricing and relies on a security framework led by France.

The document examines how China uses state-owned media (Xinhua, CCTV, CRI) to challenge Western information monopolies and improve its international image in Africa. It traces the shift from Cold War ideological support to modern infrastructural assistance and commercial content delivery, while analyzing the challenges posed by African media market diversity and perceptions of Chinese censorship.

The document examines the potential for Mozambique's hydrocarbon wealth to supplant its chronic reliance on foreign aid, particularly from the G19 group of Western donors. While resource revenues could increase government autonomy and shift commercial partnerships toward Asia and South America, the author warns that this may replace aid dependence with a new dependence on foreign capital and technology. The brief highlights risks such as the 'resource curse', rent-seeking, and the limited local economic impact of capital-intensive 'mega-projects', recommending that the government integrate resource strategies with broader development goals and that donors shift from budget support to targeted sectoral funding.

The report details a conference on Sino-African Union cooperation in peace and security, exploring the intersection of China's economic engagement and Africa's security architecture. Key discussions focus on the 'African solutions to African problems' principle, the role of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and IGAD, and specific conflict zones such as the two Sudans and Somalia. While acknowledging China's role in infrastructure and condition-free aid, the report highlights concerns regarding environmental degradation, the influx of cheap goods, and the impact of arms supplies. It recommends a shift from ad-hoc crisis reaction to a proactive role for China, emphasizing capacity building for the AU's African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS).

The analysis finds that South Africa has become more confident in the UNSC, increasing its co-sponsorship of resolutions and successfully promoting its 'African Agenda'. While it has improved cooperation with other African members and fostered South-South and North-South partnerships, it faces ongoing challenges in securing permanent representation for Africa on the Council and maintaining its status as the continent's leading driver on international issues.

The document analyzes the International Bar Association's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0), providing a template and narrative to ensure mining contracts promote sustainable development, transparency, and equitable resource distribution. It details key contractual areas including land tenure, royalties, taxation, and community obligations, while emphasizing the use of international standards like the IFC Performance Standards and EITI. Additionally, the report investigates the existence of similar model agreements for the oil and gas sector, concluding that no internationally accepted model currently exists despite the availability of various national form contracts.

The document analyzes the first official recognition of agriculture by the UNFCCC at COP 17 in Durban. It reviews submissions from 21 parties to the SBSTA, highlighting a tension between developed countries' focus on scientific mitigation and developing countries' priority on adaptation and food security. The briefing argues that agriculture requires a unique approach to emission reductions—potentially based on efficiency per unit of production—due to the necessity of increasing food supplies for a growing global population. It identifies key points of divergence, including trade implications and the role of smallholder farmers, while suggesting areas of consensus such as the link between agriculture and food security.

The document argues that while governance-related intra-state conflicts have become more prevalent than direct inter-state border disputes since the late 1980s, Africa's porous and artificial colonial borders continue to threaten peace and security. These boundaries facilitate the 'regionalisation of conflict' by allowing domestic instability to spill over into neighbouring states, as seen in the Great Lakes region, the Horn of Africa, and West Africa. The author contends that the African Union's (AU) policy of maintaining the colonial status quo (the 'inviolability of national boundaries') has not eliminated tensions. To address this, the AU Border Programme (AUBP) seeks to transform borders from 'barriers' into 'bridges' through proper delimitation and demarcation, which the author identifies as a necessary precondition for successful continental integration and the structural prevention of conflict.

Since resuming diplomatic ties in August 2006, China has significantly expanded its presence in Chad, primarily through the China National Petroleum Corporation's (CNPC) Rônier project. This venture, which includes a refinery and pipeline, represents a shift from previous Western-led oil projects by integrating upstream and downstream production to enhance Chad's domestic energy capacity. Beyond oil, China is funding infrastructure such as a cement factory, an international airport, and a railway network. However, the relationship faces tensions over the economic viability of the refinery versus President Idriss Déby's social promises of affordable fuel. Additionally, China's engagement is entangled in regional security dynamics involving Sudan and Darfur, while relying on French military presence for stability.

The document analyzes China's multifaceted engagement in Sudan from 2005 to 2011, highlighting a transition from a predominantly bilateral relationship with Khartoum to a more complex triangular relationship involving the Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS). While China's role was heavily driven by oil interests and a preference for bilateralism, it increasingly adopted a 'peace through development' approach, providing infrastructure projects and humanitarian aid in Darfur and Southern Sudan. The paper notes a strategic recalibration as Beijing moved from supporting Sudanese unity to recognizing South Sudan's independence to protect its investments and maintain regional stability.

The document argues that road traffic accidents are a critical development issue in Africa, with fatalities forecast to rise as motorisation increases without corresponding infrastructure improvements. By comparing a 'base case' forecast with an 'improved scenario' where death rates are stabilised at the current continental average of 32 per 100,000 people, the authors estimate that Africa could prevent 4.2 million deaths and add US$ 234 billion to its GDP by 2050. The brief highlights that the economic gains, primarily driven by a larger labour force, would far outweigh the estimated costs of intervention, which range from US$ 1.7 billion to US$ 24 billion.

The report details a seminar on the governance of Africa's natural resources, focusing on oil, mining, and renewable resources. It highlights the critical role of transparency, accountability, and the need for home-grown African solutions to avoid the 'resource curse'. Key discussions include the benefits and challenges of state-owned oil companies, the impact of resource extraction on local communities, and the complexities of trans-boundary resource management. The document emphasizes that while initiatives like the EITI are positive, broader societal changes and stronger parliamentary oversight are necessary to ensure resources lead to poverty eradication and sustainable development.

The statement examines the instability of the Arab Spring, the complexities of the 'responsibility to protect' doctrine, and the geopolitical shift toward state capitalism. It specifically addresses South Africa's diplomatic efforts in Sudan and South Sudan, its aspirations within the African Union, and the role of the South African Development Partnership Agency. The author also highlights SAIIA's ranking as the top think-tank in Sub-Saharan Africa and its youth development initiatives.