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The report examines the rise of green taxonomies as classification systems to identify sustainable economic activities and reduce greenwashing. It identifies three primary development approaches: whitelist-based, technical screening criteria (TSC) based, and principle-based. A central focus is the alignment between the EU and China taxonomies via the International Platform on Sustainable Finance (IPSF) and the Common Ground Taxonomy (CGT), which aims to facilitate cross-border green capital flows. The document details how these taxonomies are implemented by regulators for mandatory disclosure and by financial intermediaries for product development and risk management.

The document analyzes Indonesia's energy landscape, highlighting a projected increase in LPG subsidies to IDR 66.3 trillion in 2022 and a decline in diesel subsidies. It examines the National Electricity Supply Business Plan (RUPTL) 2021–2030, noting that while it targets a 24.8% renewable energy share by 2030, coal remains dominant. The briefing also discusses the challenges of coal phase-out, the introduction of a carbon tax, and the gap between Indonesia's COP 26 commitments and its actual NDC targets.

The document catalogues endorsements of the term 'climate emergency' across different sectors. It notes that nearly 14,000 scientists from 156 countries have signed a warning stating 'planet Earth is facing a climate emergency'. In the media, The Guardian updated its style guide to recommend terms like 'climate emergency, crisis or breakdown', and Noticias Telemundo adopted 'climate emergency' over 'climate change' in 2019. Politically, 23 national governments, including Japan, South Korea, New Zealand, and the European Union, have declared a climate emergency, alongside 2,060 towns, cities, and counties globally. Additionally, the UN Secretary General and Pope Francis have called for emergency declarations, and a 2021 poll indicated that two-thirds of the global population views climate change as a 'global emergency'.

The report defines 'climate-washing' as a subset of greenwashing specifically targeting climate change claims and examines the rising trend of litigation used to hold state and non-state actors accountable. It categorizes misleading communications into three areas: corporate/governmental commitments (such as net-zero pledges), product attributes (such as labeling natural gas as 'clean'), and the disclosure of financial risks and investments. The authors highlight a gap between public climate pledges and actual emission reductions, noting that many companies continue to invest in fossil fuels while advertising clean energy. The document provides recommendations for companies, policymakers, NGOs, and lawyers to combat disinformation and increase transparency.

The document reports that improvements in forest governance are too slow to measurably reduce deforestation, noting that illegal deforestation increased from 49% to 69% between 2014 and 2020. While some progress has been made in establishing environmental frameworks and demand-side regulations, systemic challenges such as corruption, weak rule of law, and a failure to legally recognize IPLC land rights persist. The report highlights that weak forest governance causes over USD 17 billion in annual economic losses and calls for accelerated action to address legal weaknesses and enhance the participation of women and IPLCs in decision-making.

The report analyzes Investment Dispute Prevention and Management Agencies (DPMAs), which are government bodies designed to prevent or manage investor-state disputes. It critiques the assumptions of international institutions—such as the World Bank and UNCTAD—that promote DPMAs, arguing that these bodies often overlook the tension between public interests and investor rights. The authors propose a four-part typology (Aftercare, Treaty Compliance, Litigation Management, and Administrative Review) and provide case studies from seven countries, including South Korea, Brazil, and Peru, to illustrate how these agencies function in practice.

The report finds that while updated NDCs show increased ambition and better alignment with national planning, a massive gap remains between current commitments and the emissions reductions needed to limit warming to 1.5°C. Mitigation efforts have improved in scope and transparency, but many sectoral measures remain vague. Adaptation components are more prevalent in developing countries and show increased focus on equity and critical systems, though implementation details like timeframes and indicators are often missing. Climate finance requirements reported in NDCs total $4.282 trillion, highlighting a significant need for increased international support.

The document examines how illegal or unethical business practices in food supply chains lead to severe financial, legal, and reputational damage. It highlights that supply chain crises often affect entire industries, not just individual companies, and that government intervention—such as EU 'yellow cards'—can result in significant market losses. The paper advocates for a shift toward transparency and the use of third-party audits to rebuild consumer trust. It specifically emphasizes 'pre-competitive collaboration,' where competing firms work together to solve systemic issues, citing the Global Salmon Initiative as a successful model. Finally, it outlines the growing role of ESG ratings and financial disclosures (e.g., TCFD and TNFD) in rewarding companies that proactively manage their environmental and social risks.

The We Mean Business Coalition asserts that the global energy system is vulnerable due to fossil fuel subsidies and unpredictable weather, as evidenced by Storm Arwen and European supply issues. It advocates for the immediate end of public coal financing, the removal of fossil fuel subsidies by 2025, and increased public investment in green infrastructure. The text highlights the role of corporate initiatives like RE100 and the First Movers Coalition in driving demand for renewables, while noting that countries such as China, Japan, and South Korea remain difficult geographies for sourcing renewable energy.

The document reviews the history of ocean dumping regulations, focusing on the London Convention and Protocol, and examines the challenges of enforcing these rules against radioactive waste and emerging climate mitigation technologies.

ClientEarth argues that current Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapters in EU FTAs are often insufficient and lack effective enforcement. The document proposes a 'blueprint' to integrate core environmental principles into the general chapters of agreements, make ratification conditional on multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs), and introduce a robust system of sanctions for non-compliance. It specifically advocates for the systematic inclusion of the precautionary principle and the creation of reciprocal complaint mechanisms for civil society. The briefing also details specific legal obligations the EU should seek regarding climate (1.5°C limit), biodiversity (30% protected areas), deforestation-free products, and the elimination of harmful fisheries subsidies.

The report argues that the United States must shift from biological risk management to an aggressive strategy of pandemic prevention and the obsolescence of biological weapons. It proposes a "10+10 over 10" budget plan, investing $20 billion annually for ten years—split equally between biological weapons deterrence and global health security. Key recommendations include doubling the Chemical and Biological Defense Program (CBDP) budget, expanding the Biological Threat Reduction Program (BTRP) to $400 million annually, and restructuring the U.S. Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases (USAMRIID) for greater independence. The authors emphasize a systemic approach combining pathogen-agnostic early warning systems, rapid medical countermeasure manufacturing, and robust international cooperation to deny attackers success in causing mass casualties.

The Climate Action Tracker identifies a 'credibility gap' where current policies lead to 2.7°C of warming, while even the fulfillment of all 2030 targets would result in 2.4°C. Despite 90% of global emissions being covered by net zero targets, only 6% are rated as 'acceptable', and no analyzed country has sufficient short-term policies to reach its net zero goal. The report highlights the continued expansion of coal and natural gas as primary drivers of this failure.

The document examines how Sub-Saharan Africa can utilize the energy transition to foster industrialization. It proposes strategies including the creation of green industrial policies, the development of domestic manufacturing capabilities for clean technologies through research and skills transfer, and the strategic use of natural gas and critical minerals to bridge energy access gaps and move up the global value chain.

Friends of the Earth International views the COP26 pledge to end public financing for overseas fossil fuel projects by 2022 as a positive step but criticizes the exclusion of countries like Japan and South Korea, the continued domestic fossil fuel extraction in the UK and US, and the lack of climate finance for the Global South. The organization advocates for community-based renewable energy systems and denounces 'false solutions' such as net zero and carbon markets, while specifically calling for the UK to end financial support for gas exploitation in Mozambique.

Friends of the Earth International critiques the COP26 pledge by the UK, US, and 18 other nations to end public funding for overseas fossil fuel projects by late 2022. While welcoming the inclusion of oil and gas, the organization highlights the hypocrisy of countries like the UK and US continuing domestic extraction. It further demands a transition to community-owned renewable energy in the Global South, the cessation of 'net zero' loopholes and geoengineering, and specifically calls for the UK to stop financing gas extraction in Mozambique.

The proposal seeks USD 224,461.76 to create a long-term strategy for e-mobility in Cambodia, addressing barriers in policy, infrastructure, and finance. The project aims to establish an inter-institutional coordination mechanism and a comprehensive roadmap to transition from internal combustion engines to electric vehicles, targeting a 3% reduction in transport sector GHG emissions by 2030.

China's commitment to cease overseas coal financing could remove two-thirds of the pre-construction coal pipeline in Asia, reducing it from over 65 GW to 22 GW. This shift, aligned with similar pledges from Japan, South Korea, and G20 nations, makes the remaining projects unlikely to be completed due to a lack of available capital. The report argues that cancelling these remaining projects would save US$27 billion in capital costs and avoid 103 million tons of annual CO2 emissions.

The document outlines a Wetland Rapid Assessment (RVA) methodology designed for the Upper Chindwin River Basin. It provides a structured approach to collecting basic site data, mapping vegetation, and assessing ecosystem services using the RAWES toolkit. The manual includes criteria for identifying wetlands of international importance based on Ramsar standards and a detailed framework for evaluating threats, such as pollution, invasive species, and climate change. It also specifies protocols for surveying wildlife, specifically mammals and birds, to inform Conservation Action Plans (CAPs).

The G20 countries account for 84% of global greenhouse gas emissions from fossil fuels and 90% of global GDP, yet their climate commitments and financial contributions remain insufficient. While some G20 nations have submitted enhanced 2030 NDCs and net-zero targets, others, such as Brazil and Mexico, have reduced their ambitions. The document highlights a failure to meet the 2010 pledge of $100 billion annual climate finance for developing countries, noting that finance is often misdirected toward middle-income countries rather than the most vulnerable, and increasingly provided as loans rather than grants. Furthermore, G20 countries have provided more funding to fossil fuels (over $315 billion) than to clean energy (around $280 billion) since the start of the Covid-19 pandemic.