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The document provides an update on the African Standby Force (ASF), a multidisciplinary force designed for rapid deployment in peace support operations across Africa. While significant progress has been made in developing doctrine, standard operating procedures, and training, the author notes that the project has failed to meet its original ambitious timelines. Key obstacles include severe logistical deficits, a lack of leadership and staffing at the African Union (AU) level, and a heavy reliance on external funding and technical expertise from international donors. The paper details the varying levels of readiness across five African regions and argues for a more integrated partnership between the AU and the UN to ensure sustainable security operations.

The Africa Human Security Initiative (AHSI) is organizing a workshop in Nairobi on May 7, 2008, focusing on internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the Greater Horn of Africa. The document argues that IDPs are a highly vulnerable population often neglected by states due to conceptual debates, lack of political will, and the non-binding nature of the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement. It highlights the scale of the issue, noting that in 2004, IDP numbers in three specific countries far exceeded refugee numbers in five. The workshop aims to map displacement, assess government capacity, and develop a regional policy document and strategic action plan for managing displacement crises.

The briefing examines China's policy of offering duty-free treatment to 440 products from 30 African LDCs. While the scheme is tailored to existing export capacities, the author argues its economic impact is modest compared to its symbolic diplomatic value in signaling China's rise as a great power and alternative to Western donors.

The report examines the role of the Somali diaspora in Norway in supporting political actors and peace processes in Somalia. It finds that while ideological support exists for national actors like the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), the most impactful financial contributions occur at the sub-clan level to fund either conflict or reconciliation. The authors recommend that the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs adopt a more proactive approach to diaspora engagement and support decentralized peacebuilding initiatives.

The document presents a dataset of 3,375 urban social disturbance events, including both violent and non-violent political activities, compiled from the Keesing’s Record of World Events. It details the selection of 23 cities in Sub-Saharan Africa and 32 in Asia, the coding scheme used to categorize event types and casualties, and the challenges associated with using news reports as a primary data source. Analysis shows an increasing trend in both total and lethal events over time, with a higher average number of events reported for Asian cities compared to African cities.

The author contends that sustainable peace and civilian protection in Africa require a differentiated strategic approach to security, linking short-term cessation of hostilities with long-term security sector transformation. Using the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) as a primary case study, the paper critiques 'deadline diplomacy' and the tendency of mediators to treat security arrangements as technical 'add-ons' rather than central strategic terrain. The author argues that the Abuja process failed because it forced a comprehensive political settlement on unwilling parties instead of first establishing an effective, enforceable ceasefire and civilian protection process to create the necessary political space and trust.

The document examines the rapid expansion of private security in Africa, distinguishing between private security companies (PSCs) and private military companies (PMCs). It identifies drivers of this growth, including the end of the Cold War, globalization, and state fragility, while highlighting the risks to human rights and state sovereignty. The author argues that the current lack of regulation makes the sector a potential threat, particularly in fragile states, and calls for comprehensive research to inform new regulatory frameworks.

The report examines the remittance landscape for immigrants in Norway, comparing 42 services across 21 mechanisms, including banks, money transfer operators (MTOs), and informal hawala systems. It highlights a restrictive regulatory environment that often drives users toward illegal services, particularly for transfers to Somalia and Iraq. The analysis reveals that real costs are often hidden through exchange rate spreads, with typical costs for NOK 1,000 transfers ranging from 5% to 25%. While bank transfers can be cheaper for larger amounts, they are often slower and less predictable than MTOs. The report argues that improving financial literacy and regularizing informal services could enhance the development impact of remittances and improve immigrant integration.

The document argues that the Somali conflict is driven by competition for power and resources, state repression under General Mohamed Siad Barre, and the colonial legacy of partitioning. It identifies Ethiopia's hostile policies, the lack of major-power interest, the persistence of warlords, and a lack of resources as primary obstacles to peace. The authors propose a peace-building framework involving clan-based power-sharing, the disarmament of heavy weapons, international financial support, and Islam-informed peace education to foster long-term stability.

The document lists the signature, ratification, and deposit dates for 53 African entities regarding the AU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. As of 23 June 2006, 48 countries had signed the convention, while 36 had completed ratification or accession and deposited their instruments.

The author argues that the common use of blanket terms like 'militia' or 'warlord' in Somalia is analytically misleading. By examining the roles of clan loyalty, economic incentives, and the emergence of 'mooryaan' (freelance gunmen), the paper distinguishes between groups that represent clan interests, those serving personal political ambitions, and those protecting commercial or religious goals. It concludes that these distinctions are essential for formulating effective security policies.

The document analyzes the intersection of global counter-terrorism efforts and regional instability in the Horn of Africa. It highlights how the US 'war on terror' has been a 'double-edged blade,' providing resources for security but also empowering authoritarian regimes to label political opponents as terrorists. The author details the rise of radical Islamism in the region, the limitations of national and regional legislative responses, and the failures of US strategies in Somalia, specifically the backing of warlords which inadvertently strengthened the Union of Islamic Courts.

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) operates the Global Classrooms programme in Johannesburg, funded by the United Nations Association of the United States of America (UNA-USA) and Merrill Lynch. The programme uses Model United Nations (MUN) simulations of the UN Security Council to teach students research, negotiation, and diplomacy. Students are paired with tutors from the University of the Witwatersrand for four months of preparation before participating in simulated crises. In 2006, the programme involved 75 schools and addressed hypothetical crises including Mediterranean water quality, nuclear proliferation in Zimbabwe, polio containment in Nigeria, piracy in Somalia, and water rights in Lake Victoria.

The report examines how competition for limited water resources in Wajir District, Kenya, leads to violent conflicts that undermine pastoral livelihoods. It finds that such conflicts divert critical time and labor away from livestock management and basic services, resulting in reduced access to food, education, and healthcare. The study highlights the failure of top-down development policies and recommends harmonizing traditional and modern resource management systems to reduce insecurity.

The document analyzes the complex relationship between African diasporas and their homelands, contrasting historical forced migrations (the slave trade) with modern voluntary and forced migration. It investigates how migrants influence homeland politics through opposition movements, lobbying, and voting, while highlighting the critical economic role of remittances, particularly for island micro-states and enclaves like Cape Verde, Comores, and Lesotho. The author notes that while diasporas can provide essential financial support, they are often viewed with suspicion by authoritarian regimes and internal political actors.

The research argues that the political impact of remittances and diasporas is not determined by the size of the migrant community or the volume of funds sent, but rather by the structure and organization of the recipient state. In Cape Verde, a structured state approach including double nationality and parliamentary seats for migrants has integrated the diaspora into domestic politics. In contrast, the Comores' diaspora remains fragmented, mirroring the archipelago's internal social and political divisions. In Lesotho, the diaspora consists largely of unorganized manual laborers in South Africa who lack formal political mechanisms to influence the government, despite significant economic ties and a desire among some for political integration with South Africa.

The report examines the role of migrant remittances in development, noting that registered flows to developing countries were nearly 100 billion USD in 2004. It analyzes various transfer mechanisms, from formal bank transfers to informal value transfer systems (IVTS) like hawala, and discusses the complex impacts of these flows on poverty, inequality, and national economies. The document provides specific policy recommendations for Norway, suggesting the use of Pakistan as a test case for engagement and proposing measures to reduce transfer costs, promote financial literacy, and support transnational entrepreneurship.

The document examines the shift toward 'vertical deepening' of peacekeeping, where the UN relies more on regional organisations like the African Union (AU) and its 'building blocks' (SADC, ECOWAS, IGAD, ECCAS/CEEAC, and EAC). It highlights a critical gap between Africa's political will and its financial capacity, noting that while the AU can provide troops, it cannot fund large-scale missions. The author analyzes the EU Peace Facility as a model for external support and proposes seven funding options for regional operations, ranging from UN assessed contributions to bilateral arrangements. The paper concludes that African peacekeeping should be a 'bridging force' for UN deployments rather than a total replacement, requiring sustained international investment in capacity-building and DDR (disarmament, demobilization, and resettlement).

The paper critiques existing Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA), Social Impact Assessments (SIA), and political risk analyses for their failure to systematically address violent conflict. It proposes a Conflict-Sensitive Business Practice (CSBP) toolbox that integrates conflict analysis tools—such as conflict mapping and stakeholder analysis—across the entire project lifecycle. The authors emphasize that extractive projects are increasingly located in 'frontier areas' where mismanagement of community relations or environmental resources can trigger violence. The proposed CSBP approach advocates for participatory consultation, the establishment of 'no go' thresholds for conflict, and the identification of peacebuilding opportunities through shared environmental concerns.

The paper examines the recurring failure of peace processes in Somalia, highlighting the role of warlords, clan dynamics, and the influence of regional powers like Ethiopia, Kenya, and Djibouti. It details the transition from the Siyad Barre regime to a collapsed state, the relative stability of Somaliland and Puntland, and the specific outcomes of the Arta process and the Eldoret/Mbagathi conferences. The author argues that the 'violent veto' of faction leaders and the divergent interests of international mediators continue to undermine the establishment of a stable national government.