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The document reports on a February 2010 roundtable discussing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights the mechanism's success in attracting 30 member states and producing 12 comprehensive Country Review Reports (CRRs) that diagnose governance failures. However, it identifies critical weaknesses, including a 'crisis of leadership', insufficient funding, and a lack of systematic implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The discussion emphasizes the need for greater transparency in the Panel of Eminent Persons and more robust civil society engagement to ensure the APRM's long-term credibility and impact.

The document examines the complex relationship between protected areas and conflict, noting that conservation efforts can either fuel social tensions or be exploited by military groups. It specifically analyzes transboundary protected areas (TBPAs), which are often established in conflict-prone regions with the intent of promoting peace, but may introduce complexities related to national sovereignty and border inequities. The authors propose the use of Peace and Conflict Impact Assessments (PCIAs)—tools derived from the humanitarian sector—to systematically evaluate how conservation interventions affect local and regional peace dynamics. The paper concludes that because TBPAs are often self-described as peacebuilding projects, they require rigorous, ground-tested measurement tools like PCIAs to ensure they 'do no harm' and actually support stability.

The report analyzes the complex relationship between Egypt and the Sudan (North and South) ahead of the 2011 Southern Sudan referendum. It highlights Egypt's strategic interests in Nile water security, regional stability, and trade, while warning that a flawed referendum or failed secession negotiations could lead to renewed civil war or state collapse. The document argues that Egypt must move beyond its preference for Sudanese unity to constructively engage with both Northern and Southern Sudanese entities to ensure a peaceful transition and maintain its influence in the Nile Basin.

The document analyses the systemic drivers of political violence in Kenya, including strong executive powers, impunity, and socioeconomic inequalities. It evaluates responses such as criminal prosecutions via the ICC or domestic tribunals, institutional reforms, and the establishment of a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission to prevent future recurrence.

The document analyzes the legal implications of defining 'investment' in international investment agreements (IIAs). It contrasts the traditional, broad asset-based definitions—often modeled on early German treaties—with more recent, precise approaches adopted by Canada, the U.S., ASEAN, and COMESA. The author highlights the tension between 'objective' and 'subjective' tests used by ICSID tribunals to determine jurisdiction, warning states that vague definitions can lead to unexpected arbitral rulings that exceed domestic legal understandings of foreign investment.

The document reports on a seminar held in Addis Ababa on July 14, 2009, which assessed the instability in eastern DRC. Key discussions focused on the role of armed groups like the FDLR and CNDP, the effectiveness of military operations such as Kimia II and Umoja Wetu, and the normalization of relations between the DRC and Rwanda. The seminar highlighted systemic challenges including a weak national army, land tenure disputes, corruption, and the limitations of MONUC's bureaucratic structure and troop levels. Recommendations emphasized strengthening democratic processes, building army capacity, and pursuing political dialogue for the disarmament of FDLR members not involved in the 1994 genocide.

The document examines how former guerrilla movements in East Africa—specifically in Uganda, Rwanda, Eritrea, and Southern Sudan—have transitioned into state power. It argues that the authoritarian, centralized, and ruthless nature of guerrilla warfare is fundamentally incompatible with democratic governance, leading to regimes characterized by 'enlightened despotism' or total totalitarianism. The author analyzes the role of pre-existing civil society, ethnic tensions, and the personalization of power in shaping these outcomes, contrasting these cases with Somaliland's successful transition to a multi-party democracy.

The author critiques the APRM reports for Algeria, Benin, Ghana, Kenya, Rwanda, and South Africa, noting that recommendations frequently lack actionable substance or rely on ambiguous terms like "strengthen." To improve, the author suggests leveraging the 'peer review' process for collective problem-solving, consulting academic institutions and NGOs, or admitting when further research is required.

The research paper examines the transition from industrial to artisanal mining in Kalima, Maniema Province, DRC. It argues that artisanal mining of cassiterite has provided better employment, higher incomes, and more democratic work structures for the local population than the previous industrial regime under Sominki and Sakima. However, this shift has led to a decline in local agriculture and a collapse of social services previously provided by mining companies. The author also analyzes the Congolese fiscal system, noting that high export taxes encourage smuggling into Rwanda, and suggests that the lack of conflict in Maniema contrasts with the resource-fueled wars in the Kivu regions.

The report evaluates Burundi's democratic transition from 2005 to 2009. While the 2005 elections ended a decade of civil war and established a power-sharing framework, the ruling CNDD-FDD party has since consolidated power by marginalizing the opposition, repressing civil society, and undermining constitutional checks and balances. The author describes the regime as a 'semi-democracy' and warns that these governance failures, combined with institutional weakness and corruption, could threaten the country's stability ahead of the 2010 elections.

The paper examines socio-economic challenges in Algeria, Benin, Ghana, Kenya, Rwanda, and South Africa. It highlights systemic issues such as poverty, gender inequality, and poor infrastructure, while noting that a lack of reliable data and political will often hinder the implementation of solutions. The author argues that many visible problems are offshoots of unstable economies and historical political dysfunction.

The document analyzes Burundi's transition from a devastating civil war (1994-2005) to a democratic framework established by the 2005 Constitution. While the 2005 elections were generally seen as free and fair, the subsequent dominance of the CNDD-FDD party has led to a 'semi-democratic' state. The author identifies several critical pitfalls, including the ruling party's reluctance to share power, the repression of political opposition and civil society, and weak state institutional capacity. The paper concludes with recommendations for the government, parliament, and international community to foster a political climate conducive to the 2010 elections and long-term stability.

The paper argues that artisanal mining in Kalima is more beneficial to the local population than industrial mining was, providing higher employment, better income, and more democratic working conditions. While it notes a decline in local farming and a collapse of social services previously provided by industrial companies, it suggests artisanal mining is more environmentally benign than industrial methods, despite the high carbon footprint of flying ore out of the region. The author also analyzes the DRC's punitive export tax regime, which encourages smuggling into Rwanda, and argues that the lack of conflict in Maniema's mining sector contrasts with the resource-fueled violence in the Kivu regions.

The document examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a voluntary self-monitoring tool for promoting good governance in Africa. It traces the APRM's genealogy from the New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU), analyzing the institutional tensions and evolving coordination between these bodies. The author highlights the APRM's success in widening political space and identifying governance gaps in member states, while noting limitations in its ability to enforce solutions or ensure peer learning. The paper concludes that the mechanism's future depends on the commitment of African leadership and its ability to demonstrate incremental progress to maintain international support.

The document examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a voluntary tool for self-assessment and peer learning in governance. It traces the APRM's genealogy from the Organization of African Unity (OAU) through the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) to the African Union (AU). While the author notes that the APRM has expanded its membership to over half of African states and fostered greater political space for citizens, the paper highlights significant institutional challenges, including rivalries between the AU and NEPAD, leadership vacancies, and the inability to enforce its non-binding recommendations. The author concludes that the APRM's future success depends on strong African leadership and the ability to demonstrate tangible governance reforms.

The document investigates the current state of wildland fire management in Mozambique, identifying a lack of systematic interagency coordination and a gap in the dissemination of satellite fire data from national to local levels. It argues for a holistic fire management approach that integrates satellite monitoring, a national Fire Danger Rating System, and community-based fire management (CBFiM) to mitigate the ecological and livelihood impacts of increasing fire frequency.

The report identifies a critical lack of coordinated institutional frameworks and systematic information flow regarding wildfires in Mozambique. While satellite data exists, it is not effectively disseminated from national to local levels. The document recommends establishing a national Fire Danger Rating System, enhancing the capacity to process MODIS and MSG satellite data, and integrating community-based fire management and traditional knowledge to reduce vulnerability to uncontrolled burns.

The report details a 2009 conference in Addis Ababa focused on structural and operational conflict prevention in Africa. Key discussions included the role of civil society in early warning, the necessity of integrating traditional and modern institutions, and the challenges of political will. The conference highlighted the ECOWAS framework and IGAD's counter-terrorism efforts, while concluding with recommendations to harmonize prevention standards and strengthen partnerships between the AU, RECs, and civil society.

The document argues that accountability—defined as the obligation of those in power to justify their decisions—is the essential ingredient for functional constitutionalism. It proposes three tests for constitutionalism: limitations on government power, domestic legitimacy, and the protection of human rights. Using South Africa as a primary example, the author highlights a tension where liberation movements often transition from fighting for people's freedom to securing elite power, leading to the erosion of judicial independence and the failure to implement constitutional rights in practice. The paper concludes that a culture of accountability and a vigilant civil society are necessary to prevent a 'winners and losers' scenario and to protect individuals without needing specific group rights.

The paper analyzes APRM Country Review Reports for Ghana, Rwanda, Kenya, Algeria, South Africa, and Benin, identifying systemic gaps between constitutional intentions and reality. It highlights a recurring pattern where the executive branch dominates the legislature and judiciary, undermining the separation of powers. Other common issues include electoral manipulation, systemic corruption, human rights abuses—particularly against women and children—and conflicts over land ownership. The author concludes that the APRM's effectiveness is limited by the lack of political will to implement its recommendations, suggesting that following these recommendations should become mandatory for member states.