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The policy brief argues that peace agreements in the DRC, specifically the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement and the Addis Ababa Framework Agreement (AAFA), reflect shifts in economic power between the eastern Kivus and the southern Katanga province. While early conflicts and the ICGLR were driven by the exploitation of coltan and other minerals in the east by Rwanda and Uganda, the subsequent rise of copper and cobalt investments in Katanga shifted geopolitical influence toward SADC states.

The document analyzes Kenya's regional diplomatic history, noting a traditional preference for cautious, pragmatic engagement over political leadership. It highlights a significant shift in approach with the military intervention in Somalia and discusses the complexities of Kenya's relations with South Africa and the East African Community. The author argues that Kenya often 'punches below its weight' and recommends a more strategic use of hard and soft power to enhance its regional leverage.

The paper argues that for the SDGs to deliver climate compatible development, climate change must be both a stand-alone goal and mainstreamed across all other goals. It highlights a lack of quantitative targets in the Open Working Group's draft and emphasizes the need for nationally relevant indicators and local-level resilience. The document suggests that the SDGs should complement the UNFCCC process rather than duplicate it, and calls for coordinated financing to avoid gaps in climate compatible development funding.

The report analyzes the mitigation efforts of 14 priority countries and regions, highlighting a wide variation in ambition and activity. While large emitters like India and Indonesia have established legislation and quantitative targets, many other partner countries, particularly in Africa and Small Island Developing States (SIDS), prioritize adaptation due to extreme vulnerability. The analysis identifies key trends, such as the integration of low-emissions paths into economic development strategies and a heavy reliance on donor-funded projects for capacity building and MRV systems.

The report analyzes the failure of international interventions in the DRC's security sector between 2003 and 2013. It argues that the 'technocratic interpretation' of violence as a lack of state capacity ignored the neo-patrimonial nature of the Congolese state, where elites benefit from a fragmented and divided military (FARDC). While the 2013 defeat of the M23 rebellion provided a temporary success and a window for reform, the authors warn that the underlying political incentives for maintaining a weak, divided army remain strong. The report critiques the 'train and equip' model of SSR and the early phases of the International Security and Stabilization Support Strategy (ISSSS), suggesting that future efforts must move beyond technical fixes to address local community grievances and the opaque power structures in Kinshasa.

The document examines why international efforts to reform the security sector and stabilise the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) between 2003 and 2013 achieved limited impact. It argues that the FARDC is shaped by a neo-patrimonial system where political and military elites benefit from a fragmented army and weak state institutions to maintain patronage networks. International interventions, including the International Security and Stabilisation Support Strategy (ISSSS), were overly technical—focusing on 'train-and-equip' models—and failed to address the political root causes of violence. While the 2013 defeat of the M23 rebellion provided a temporary success and a window for reform, the authors caution that the underlying incentive structures remain largely unchanged.

The paper examines the slow progress of sanitation coverage in Sub-Saharan Africa, specifically in Rwanda, Uganda, Tanzania, and Burundi. It identifies a critical disconnect between macro-level policies and micro-level household implementation, driven by institutional inertia and path dependency. The authors argue that sustainable progress requires moving beyond supply-driven subsidies toward demand-driven strategies, private sector involvement, and a better understanding of informal norms and multi-level actor interactions.

The document examines the tension between the Africa Mining Vision's goals of sustainable development and the legal constraints imposed by Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs). It evaluates ownership-related policies and performance requirements, concluding that while these tools can be effective for creating national champions and local linkages, they often conflict with treaty obligations regarding national treatment and expropriation.

The document examines the tension between the 'Africa Mining Vision'—which seeks to use national champions and performance requirements to drive sustainable development—and the legal constraints imposed by international investment treaties. It evaluates ownership options (such as joint ventures and state-owned enterprises) and performance requirements (such as local content and technology transfer), concluding that while these tools can be effective if integrated into broader strategies, they often conflict with treaty obligations regarding national treatment, fair and equitable treatment, and expropriation. The briefing provides strategic drafting options for states to preserve their 'policy space' in future treaties.

The document examines the evolution of democratic governance in Africa from the OAU era to the AU era, focusing on the APRM and ACDEG. It argues that while the continent has shifted from 'politics of the bullet' to 'politics of the ballot', significant challenges remain, including 'illiberal democracies' and slow implementation of governance reviews. The author advocates for stronger synergies between the African Governance Architecture (AGA) and the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), increased domestic funding for National Programmes of Action (NPoAs), and a balanced role for non-state actors to prevent 'state capture' of these initiatives.

The document argues that climate compatible development is won or lost at the subnational level, where local actors face intense pressure from climate extremes but possess unique advantages in local knowledge and cross-sectoral coordination. It identifies key barriers, such as scientific uncertainty at local scales and a gap between public expectations and available resources. To overcome these, the paper recommends strategies including the cultivation of local political 'champions', the creation of 'knowledge partnerships' to translate climate science for communities, and the use of participatory planning to mobilise in-kind resources. It emphasizes that for these local successes to contribute to global transformational change, they must be 'scaled out' to other localities and 'scaled up' into national policy frameworks.

The authors critique British politicians Michael Gove and David Cameron for attempting to frame the First World War as a 'good' war and for promoting virtues like patriotism and courage to the exclusion of pacifist perspectives. They argue that the conflict was an 'imperial bloodbath' orchestrated by aloof elites and that glorifying such warfare risks leading Europe toward future resource wars or fascism. The text emphasizes the importance of honoring conscientious objectors and the 1915 Hague congress of women, while citing the European Union's role in preventing conflict between member states since World War II as a legacy to be preserved.

The report argues that climate policy is often contested because it creates winners and losers, necessitating a strategic communication and policy plan. The proposed five-point plan includes: simplifying the narrative through relatable examples and imagery; creating a positive message focused on the transformational benefits of a low-carbon transition; designing policy packages that compensate 'losers' (such as through payments for ecosystem services); building broad, long-term political consensus to avoid policy reversals; and maintaining a relentless focus on implementation. The author emphasizes 'climate compatible development,' where mitigation, adaptation, and development goals are integrated to ensure climate action does not hinder poverty eradication.

The author argues that climate policy is inherently contested because it creates winners and losers, necessitating a strategic approach to communication and implementation. The proposed plan includes simplifying the climate narrative through personal and emotional storytelling, framing action as a transformational economic opportunity (green growth), designing policy packages that compensate those negatively impacted, building cross-party long-term consensus to avoid policy reversals, and focusing on rigorous implementation. The text highlights various international examples, such as Rwanda's green growth strategy and Bolivia's payments for ecosystem services, to illustrate how climate action can be integrated with development goals.

The African Governance Architecture (AGA), established by the African Union in 2011, aims to coordinate continental governance initiatives under a 'shared values' agenda. However, the paper identifies critical gaps in its operationalization, specifically a disconnect between governance and security frameworks and an undefined role for the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). The authors argue that integrating the AGA with the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) would transform the latter from a reactive to a pre-emptive tool by using governance assessments to flag potential conflicts. Additionally, the paper suggests the APRM should serve as the primary diagnostic tool for monitoring member states' compliance with shared values instruments, noting that past APRM reports have already identified systemic barriers to domestication, such as bureaucratic red tape and lack of enforcement capacity.

The paper analyzes the funding of African governance institutions, such as anti-corruption commissions and the APRM, and processes like constitutional reform and the EITI. It argues that while government funding is ideal for ensuring national ownership, a mix of donor and state funds is common. The author highlights that funding can be used as a reward for good governance (e.g., US Millennium Challenge Account) or as a tool for donor control (e.g., EU funding of PEFA). The document concludes that mitigating external influence requires a combination of self-assessment processes, adherence to continental or global standards, and the mainstreaming of governance actions into national budgets.

The paper argues that while South Africa possesses comparative advantages in access and shared experience, its previous aid efforts—managed via the African Renaissance Fund (ARF)—were often ad hoc and lacked strategic coordination. It recommends that SADPA move beyond high-level diplomatic agreements to engage with national aid architectures and employ political-economy analysis to ensure local ownership of projects.

The document evaluates the transition from the OAU to the AU, noting that while the AU has improved peace and security through supranational norms, it struggles to implement democratic governance reforms. It highlights a disconnect between Africa's recent economic growth and the persistence of poverty and unaccountable leadership. The authors argue that the AU must operationalise the African Governance Architecture and strengthen the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to ensure that economic gains are sustainable and that the vision of 'Agenda 2063' is realised.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), established in 2003 under NEPAD, is a voluntary governance assessment system where African states evaluate their own political, economic, and corporate governance. By 2013, 33 states had acceded, with 17 completing their first review. The mechanism utilizes a process of self-assessment, expert missions, and high-level peer review to identify deficiencies and implement National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). While the APRM has successfully expanded democratic space and fostered a common governance vocabulary, it faces challenges in integrating NPoAs into national budgets and ensuring consistent high-level oversight of implementation.

The paper examines the tension between 'positive' and 'negative' governance values in Africa. While the African Union has established comprehensive frameworks like the APRM and ACDEG to promote transparency, accountability, and human rights, the author argues that a lack of political will and moral leadership hinders their implementation. The document highlights persistent issues such as systemic corruption, political clientelism, the marginalisation of women, and electoral manipulation, while noting that a small group of countries has made significant progress toward democratic governance.