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The report documents the systemic persecution of environmental and land defenders in the Asia-Pacific region, linking this violence to a neoliberal economic model that prioritizes corporate profit and resource extraction over human rights. It provides case studies from Bangladesh, Indonesia, Malaysia, Palestine, Russia, Sri Lanka, and the Philippines to illustrate how large-scale infrastructure, energy, and agribusiness projects lead to land grabbing, environmental degradation, and the criminalization of activists. The document calls for a transition to community-led renewable energy, agroecology, and a legally binding UN treaty on transnational corporations to ensure corporate accountability and the protection of defenders.

The document highlights a global trend of violence against land defenders, particularly indigenous peoples, who face attacks from state and non-state actors to facilitate extractive projects. It provides case studies from Bangladesh, Indonesia, Malaysia, Palestine, Russia, Sri Lanka, and the Philippines to illustrate how infrastructure, energy, and agribusiness projects lead to land grabbing and environmental degradation. The report argues that the current economic system prioritizes corporate profit over human rights and recommends the establishment of a binding UN treaty on transnational corporations, the transformation of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights into a judicial body, and a transition to renewable energy and agroecology.

The report analyzes the dependence of BRICS governments on fossil fuel revenues and the risks posed by the clean energy transition, including asset stranding and revenue loss. It provides 2017 data on revenues and subsidies, highlighting Russia's high fiscal exposure and the potential for 'fossil fuel to clean energy subsidy swaps' to fund a just transition.

The document details Russia's high reliance on fossil fuels, which accounted for 90% of its total energy supply in 2017 and 23.6% of general government revenue. It highlights the dominance of state-owned enterprises like Gazprom and Rosneft, the government's strategy to expand exports to the Asia-Pacific region, and the significant fiscal gap created by the under-taxation of fossil fuel consumption. The report also examines various forms of production and consumption subsidies, as well as the role of the National Welfare Fund in managing windfall revenues.

The document analyzes China's heavy reliance on fossil fuels, particularly coal, and the fiscal implications of this dependence. It details the structure of government revenues from fossil fuels, the influence of state-owned enterprises, and the prevalence of subsidies. While China has implemented policies to reduce coal overcapacity and peak emissions by 2030, it continues to provide significant subsidies and finance fossil fuel projects internationally through the Belt and Road Initiative.

The report examines the risks of increased arms sales to Africa, the fragile peace negotiations in Sudan and Mozambique, and the role of the AfCFTA in addressing structural drivers of conflict. It also critiques the AU Peace and Security Council for its lack of meeting records and discusses security threats in the Sahel.

The report reveals that wildlife rangers globally face excessive safety and health risks, including inadequate housing, medical care, and communication equipment. It highlights a significant wage gap between rangers and police officers and documents high rates of infectious diseases, particularly malaria in Africa. The study also explores community perceptions of rangers and the lack of comprehensive insurance coverage for on-the-job injuries and fatalities.

The briefing argues that the world is entering a period of high risk due to the collapse of formal arms control agreements between the US and Russia, the emergence of new nuclear powers, and the introduction of destabilizing technologies. To counter this, the author proposes the adoption of 'Nuclear Strategic Stability' (NSS) as a primary metric, where the risk of nuclear conflict is kept as low as achievable. The author outlines a '10-point Code of Responsible Nuclear Armed States' based on six elements: restraint, relevance, reassurance, readiness, reciprocity, and reduction. Furthermore, the document suggests a three-gateway (T1, T2, T3) schematic pathway to disarmament, emphasizing that the removal of tactical weapons and the establishment of conventional arms control are prerequisites for the final elimination of nuclear arsenals under the NPT framework.

This research paper examines Russia's strategic re-engagement with Africa, framing the first Russia-Africa summit as a symbolic effort to assert global influence and bypass Western economic sanctions. The author argues that Russia's turn toward the continent is part of a broader multi-vector foreign policy aimed at promoting a multipolar international system to counter US dominance.

Political scientist Félix Blanc argues that the EU lacks a unified security voice and remains overly dependent on the US, particularly regarding nuclear deterrence and military infrastructure. He contends that current initiatives like the European Defence Fund and the military mobility plan risk reinforcing this dependence rather than fostering strategic autonomy. Blanc proposes a Franco-German led initiative for nuclear disarmament and the creation of a new collective security architecture based on multilateralism and preventive disarmament to address threats from Russia, China, and regional instabilities.

The report reveals a pattern of funding, investments, and corporate memberships linking leading UK professional engineering and science organisations to the fossil fuel and arms sectors. It highlights a lack of transparency in financial disclosures and the promotion of these industries to schoolchildren without discussing associated ethical issues. The authors recommend that PESOs implement ethical investment policies, end corporate branding in education, and disclose all corporate payments over £1,000.

The report examines the global governance of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), noting a trend of weakening norms and rising threats. While highlighting successes like the 97% destruction of declared chemical weapons stockpiles and the near-universality of the NPT, CWC, and BWC, it warns of a new nuclear arms race and the increasing use of chemical weapons. It identifies critical gaps in verification—particularly for biological weapons—and the risks posed by technological convergence, such as synthetic biology and AI. The author recommends augmenting existing regimes with ad hoc mechanisms, increasing experiential learning for policymakers, and focusing on eliminating specific destabilizing capabilities like nuclear cruise missiles.

The report describes Africa as a 'resilient but marginal player' in a global order where multilateralism is eroding and power is shifting toward a polycentric model. It identifies key barriers to African agency, including structural economic dependence, internal political fragmentation among 55 diverse states, and limited capacity at UN missions. The authors argue that Africa can increase its leverage by pooling resources through the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and by leveraging the 'Big 5' powers (Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, Algeria, and Ethiopia) to unify continental positions. While the report notes the risks of great power competition—specifically the 'new Scramble for Africa'—it highlights that African states have successfully exercised agency in relations with China through the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The document examines Russia's return to Africa through the lens of its 'multi-vector' foreign policy, which seeks to establish a multipolar world order and reduce dependence on the West. It details Russia's focus on niche markets—specifically nuclear energy, arms, and extractives—and its use of 'state champions' like Rosatom and Rosneft. The paper highlights Russia's military-security cooperation, including the use of private military companies in the Central African Republic and Libya, and its strategic relationship with South Africa via the BRICS framework. It concludes that while Russia offers an alternative to Western conditionalities, its engagement often prioritizes elite networks and resource extraction over broad development.

The report reveals a pattern of financial links between the fossil fuel and arms industries and UK professional engineering and science organisations, including investments, event sponsorship, and the funding of school education programmes. It highlights a significant lack of transparency and argues that these links compromise the ethical leadership of these professional bodies, particularly when promoting these industries to children without discussing associated ethical concerns.

A statement by the We Mean Business coalition highlighting that 87 companies with a combined market capitalization of over US$ 2.3 trillion have committed to align their operations with a 1.5°C warming limit and net-zero emissions by 2050. The text asserts that this corporate leadership demonstrates the viability of decarbonization and calls for governments to provide policy clarity, such as carbon pricing, to unlock further investment and economic growth.

The document outlines the accelerating degradation of the Earth's cryosphere and oceans due to climate change. It details the rapid loss of ice sheets in Greenland and Antarctica, the thawing of permafrost, and the warming, acidification, and deoxygenation of the global oceans. These changes drive sea level rise, threaten biodiversity, and disrupt essential services like freshwater supply from mountain glaciers and food security from fisheries. The briefing emphasizes that while some damage is irreversible, cutting emissions can reduce risks and facilitate adaptation for vulnerable coastal and indigenous populations.

IKEA aims to become climate positive across its value chain by 2030. The Ingka Group has set science-based targets to reduce absolute scope 1 and 2 emissions by 80% by 2030 and relative scope 3 emissions from travel and deliveries by 50%. The company is transitioning to 100% renewable energy in its buildings by 2020 and zero-emission last-mile deliveries by 2025. IKEA is also implementing circular economy principles, targeting 100% renewable or recycled materials for all products by 2030 and phasing out single-use plastics by 2020.

The report details a 90-minute tabletop exercise simulating a nuclear maritime accident in the Bering Strait in 2050. The exercise identified critical gaps in Arctic infrastructure, including the fact that only 6% of Arctic waters are charted to modern standards and a lack of predictive atmospheric and ocean circulation models for winter conditions. Key findings emphasize the need for integrated indigenous emergency response infrastructure, the establishment of 'Confidence Building Measures' (CBM) with Russia to manage high-level nuclear contingencies, and the necessity of a common, multi-agency observation network to track changing Arctic storm patterns. The document argues that proactive research into radionuclide transport and the creation of an Arctic operations center are essential to avoid catastrophic failures in situational awareness and operational response.

The report argues that climate change is a vital national security risk that requires a whole-of-government response. It proposes a 'Climate Security Plan for America' structured around four pillars: demonstrating leadership through a new White House Office on Climate Security, assessing risks via a Climate Security Crisis Watch Center, bolstering international resilience to compete with adversaries like China and Russia, and building domestic infrastructure resilience. The plan emphasizes the need for the U.S. to remain in the Paris Agreement and to integrate climate foresight into military doctrine and intelligence assessments.