Search Climate Insights Directory

The Union of Concerned Scientists finds that the 122 largest fossil fuel and cement producers, termed 'Carbon Majors', are responsible for nearly half of present-day surface temperature increases and nearly one-third of observed global mean sea level rise. The research indicates that past emissions from these entities have already guaranteed an additional 10 to 22 inches of sea level rise by 2300. The document argues that these corporations knowingly misled the public and obstructed climate policy, and it advocates for using legal pathways and multilateral negotiations to hold them financially and legally responsible for climate damages, particularly for vulnerable island nations.

On 24 February 2025, the UN Security Council and General Assembly passed three resolutions on Ukraine, revealing significant fractures in Western unity and a strategic shift in the Global South's approach. While Europe continues to demand Russian accountability and territorial integrity, the Trump administration has pivoted toward de-escalation and negotiations, leading the US to abstain from or oppose resolutions with harsh condemnatory language. Concurrently, Global South nations, including South Africa, India, and Brazil, are increasingly adopting a pragmatic, non-aligned stance that prioritizes diplomatic mediation and national interests over binary confrontations.

The Council on Strategic Risks outlines a strategic roadmap for the US government to bolster biodefense, focusing on a 'deterrence by denial' framework. The recommendations are divided into immediate actions for the first month, the first 100 days, and the first year, emphasizing the need for expert leadership, increased budgetary investment, and the integration of AI safety. Key priorities include updating the National Biodefense Strategy, enhancing pathogen early warning systems, and strengthening international partnerships to counter biological weapons programs in countries such as North Korea and Russia.

The document warns that Europe is creating substantial LNG import overcapacities despite declining gas consumption, risking the creation of stranded assets and locking the continent into a polluting energy system. It specifically calls out power utilities ENGIE, Enel, and RWE, and urges their financial backers to demand a halt to new terminal projects and long-term contracts.

The report highlights a stark contrast between the $7 trillion in annual global fossil fuel subsidies and the limited funding for climate action. It proposes a $150 per tonne of CO2e levy on international shipping as a landmark mechanism to make polluters pay and fund a just energy transition. While supported by over 50 countries representing 66% of the global fleet, the levy is opposed by BRICS and Petro-States, who account for 68% of fossil fuel subsidies. The author contends that such a levy is legally viable and essential to keep global warming below 1.5°C.

The document contains technical appendices for a report on reforming environmentally harmful subsidies (EHS). It introduces a 'Fiscal Pressure' indicator to identify countries where high debt and deficits create strong incentives for subsidy reform, and provides a stakeholder analysis mapping the influence and attitudes of businesses, governments, consumers, and civil society toward EHS reform.

The document examines the uncertainty surrounding the second Trump administration's approach to foreign aid and global security. It highlights a 90-day freeze on all U.S. foreign assistance and the withdrawal from the Paris Climate Agreement and the World Health Organization. The text notes a divide in perception, where populations in BRICS nations are more positive about Trump's presidency for global peace compared to those in the EU and UK, despite an overall increase in global conflicts and expansionist rhetoric regarding territories like Greenland and Panama.

Since the launch of the European Green Deal in 2019, the EU has seen a significant transformation of its power sector, with renewables increasing from 34% to 47% of the electricity mix by 2024. This shift was primarily driven by wind and solar, which together increased their share from 17% to 29%. This transition reduced the emissions intensity of EU electricity generation by 26% and avoided €59 billion in fossil fuel import costs. While coal use has dropped from 16% to under 10% of the mix, and gas power has declined from 20% to 16%, the EU still faces challenges with Russian gas imports, which accounted for 14% of total gas consumption in 2024.

The report maps nearly one hundred agreements on critical minerals between African states and global actors, highlighting the strategic competition for resources. It identifies a lack of transparency in these deals and notes that while China and Russia are prominent, other actors like Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE are expanding their footprints. The analysis emphasizes that these partnerships often reflect broader geopolitical and historical ties rather than just economic needs.

The briefing argues that the EU does not need new US LNG terminal approvals to replace Russian gas imports. US LNG capacity currently under construction (73 bcm) is over four times the volume of Russian LNG the EU imported in 2024 (17.1 bcm). Furthermore, two US projects that began operating in December 2024 alone provide 58% more capacity than those 2024 Russian imports. The document highlights a projected decline in EU gas demand—forecast to drop 29% by 2030 and 67% by 2040 relative to 2024 levels—warning that new long-term contracts beyond 2035 would create a gas supply glut.

The fifth meeting of the BWC Working Group, held in December 2024, failed to reach consensus on establishing an international cooperation and assistance (ICA) mechanism and a science and technology (S&T) mechanism due to a unilateral objection by the Russian Federation. While there is general agreement on the need for a verification regime, significant divergence remains regarding its definition, scope, and the relevance of the 2001 draft protocol. The author recommends that 2025 sessions focus on establishing a workplan, a 'North Star' ambition, and guiding principles before formal technical negotiations begin, and calls for a special conference in 2025 to ratify the provisional mechanisms.

The provided text consists solely of a list of contributing authors and their institutional affiliations from various global research organizations; it contains no substantive analysis, findings, or purpose statement.

The policy brief argues that climate change threatens US national security by damaging critical infrastructure, increasing state fragility, and intensifying geopolitical competition. It recommends that the US government implement a National Adaptation Plan, integrate 'Operational Resilience' into military budgets, scale up resilience funding for strategic allies, and strengthen interagency coordination on the food-climate-security nexus to protect US interests and economic competitiveness.

The document analyzes the evolution of BRICS, specifically the 2023 addition of Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the UAE, and the 2024 introduction of a 'partner countries' category. Using Susan Strange's framework of structural power, it argues that BRICS is not seeking to create a rival system but to reshape global governance to be more representative of the global South. The analysis highlights the bloc's economic growth—surpassing the G7 in PPP terms around 2015—and its efforts to create alternative financial mechanisms like the New Development Bank (NDB) and local currency trade to reduce reliance on Western systems. It concludes that while internal diversity and regional rivalries challenge cohesion, the 'agree to disagree' principle allows BRICS to function as a catalyst for South-South cooperation.

The document outlines the challenges of researching climate obstruction in restrictive political environments, focusing on participant safety, data security, and the navigation of political 'red lines'. It recommends flexible research designs, such as using snowball sampling and reframing sensitive topics, to mitigate risks associated with government surveillance and data manipulation in non-democratic states.

The report examines how voluntary sustainability initiatives (VSIs) in the mining sector address forest risks. It finds that while VSIs are growing in membership and scope, they often lack biome-specific language, fail to address the full mining lifecycle, and suffer from governance gaps and weak market incentives. The analysis of 20 VSIs reveals that about half do not explicitly recognize forest impacts. The report argues that VSIs must move beyond broad sustainability language to integrate specific criteria and collaborate with governments to raise regulatory baselines to effectively protect forests, especially as demand for energy transition minerals increases.

The report examines the criticality of six priority minerals—copper, lithium, manganese, neodymium, nickel, and silicon—essential for India's clean energy transition. It analyzes the global value chain, highlighting China's dominance in midstream processing and the geographical concentration of reserves. The document forecasts India's CETM demand up to 2050, identifies systemic gaps in domestic exploration and refining, and evaluates international policy responses. It concludes with strategic recommendations to enhance India's mineral security through domestic exploration, international cooperation via partnerships like the Mineral Security Partnership (MSP), and the promotion of circular economy practices and ESG standards.

The report examines the value chains of six critical energy transition minerals (CETMs): copper, lithium, manganese, neodymium, nickel, and silicon. It details global production and reserves, processing technologies, and the dominant role of China in refining and processing. For India, the document highlights a significant gap between domestic mineral resources and the demand required for low-carbon technologies, emphasizing the need for localized refining, increased private investment, and strategic international partnerships to reduce import dependence.

The report identifies a crisis of information integrity about climate science, characterized by a shift from outright denial to more nuanced skepticism and 'response skepticism' regarding climate solutions. It documents how powerful economic interests, particularly the fossil fuel industry, and political actors use strategies like greenwashing, delay, and obstruction to undermine scientific consensus. The review highlights the role of social media algorithms, bots, and 'source media' (such as corporate reports) in amplifying misleading narratives. It concludes that while individual-level interventions like inoculation and education are valuable, systemic governance through public regulation, standardized corporate reporting, and litigation is essential to restore information integrity.

The report identifies a persistent FIMI landscape in Poland, characterized by Russian and Belarusian operations targeting Ukrainian refugees, the EU, and democratic institutions. It highlights the use of coordinated inauthentic behavior, AI-generated content, and content laundering to amplify polarizing narratives. While public resilience and civil society interventions limited the impact, the report notes significant platform failures—particularly on X, Meta, and TikTok—and a regulatory vacuum due to the absence of a permanent Digital Services Coordinator in Poland.