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The document details the systematic exploitation of diamond resources in the Central African Republic by armed groups such as the Séléka and anti-balaka. It describes a sophisticated black market where diamonds are smuggled through neighboring countries and 'naturalized' with false origins to enter international markets. The report criticizes the effectiveness of the Kimberley Process, noting that the partial lifting of export bans through 'compliant zones' may be undermined by internal smuggling and the existence of large stockpiles acquired during the conflict period by buying offices like Badica and Sodiam.

The document explores the role of Black Soldier Fly (BSF) larvae in converting organic waste into frass, a nutrient-rich excrement that serves as a bio-fertiliser. It argues that BSF frass can support regenerative horticulture by improving soil health and reducing the ecological impact of synthetic fertilisers. In South Africa, where fertiliser is heavily imported and food waste is significant, the brief identifies a potential market for frass production valued between R3.1 and R12.4 billion per year. However, growth is hindered by scaling challenges, low market awareness, and significant regulatory delays in product registration through the Department of Agriculture Land Reform and Rural Development.

The author argues that the collapse of the Seattle WTO Ministerial Meeting was the result of long-standing frustrations among developing countries, environmental NGOs, and labour movements, compounded by a rift between North America and Europe over agricultural liberalization. The document asserts that the WTO has lost legitimacy by prioritizing trade liberalization over social and environmental goals. To recover, the author proposes three reform pillars: increasing transparency and civil society participation, formally adopting sustainable development as the WTO's end-purpose to guide the evaluation of agreements like TRIPS, and establishing a more equitable system for adjudicating conflicts between trade policy and environmental or development objectives.

A briefing by the Institute for Security Studies analyzing the political and economic dynamics of Egypt's first free presidential election following the ousting of Hosni Mubarak, focusing on the candidates, the role of the military, and the absence of a constitution.

The document examines the breach of arms control systems during the Libyan conflict, specifically focusing on France and Qatar's admission of supplying arms to rebels. It highlights the failure of end-user monitoring and the potential violation of contractual obligations, noting that Qatar may have re-exported arms sourced from the US and other nations, including Swiss ammunition. The author notes the inconsistent international response and the silence of South Africa regarding these transfers despite its own claims of being a responsible arms exporter.

The author argues that while globalisation drives unprecedented economic growth through comparative advantage and market efficiency, it creates a 'race to the bottom' where nations compete for volatile capital by slashing corporate taxes and deregulation. This process potentially erodes public funding for welfare, labour protections, and environmental standards. While the author finds evidence of a downward trend in global corporate tax rates, they note that reputational risks and NGO watchdogs may moderate the degradation of labour and environmental standards. The document concludes that managing these negative effects requires stronger, more democratic global governance, including the potential creation of a World Tax Authority and an International Financial Stability and Harmonisation Authority.

The document analyzes the illicit arms trade, categorizing it into semi-legal, state-sanctioned, and wholly illicit flows. It argues against the 'amorphous image' of easy global access to weapons, asserting instead that supply and demand are geographically and temporally variable. The authors detail how weapons are diverted from legal stocks, the role of illicit pricing as an indicator of supply constraints, and the multi-level governance structures—societal, national, and international—used to counter trafficking. It also evaluates international instruments like the Arms Trade Treaty and the UN Programme of Action, noting the challenges posed by state complicity and capacity gaps in developing nations.

The paper examines the 'globalisation' of the Darfur rebellion, arguing that while international attention provided rebels with leverage and deterred mass violence, it also incentivised uncompromising political posturing and fostered internal fragmentation by decoupling leadership from local legitimacy.

The document analyzes the US-Taliban peace process leading up to the 2021 takeover of Kabul, arguing that the US prioritized its own military disengagement over the survival of the Afghan government it helped create. By excluding the Afghan government from direct negotiations and making commitments on its behalf, the US undermined the legitimacy and leverage of the republican state, paving the way for the Taliban's return to power.

The report identifies ten common areas for comparing the mediation strategies of Qatar and Norway, highlighting differences in their identities, the role of civil society, and regional engagement, while noting shared dependencies on the United States and the use of financial resources to cultivate soft power.

The paper maps the disparate research and practice of 'business-peace' interactions into five core assertions: economic engagement creating a peace dividend, local development building peace capacities, importing international norms for accountability, constraining conflict drivers, and direct corporate diplomacy. While proponents argue these activities foster stability and development, critics warn of neo-colonial exploitation, 'peacewashing', and the risk of exacerbating local inequalities. The author concludes that business contributions are often limited by the willingness of local regimes and the priority of profit over courageous ethical choices in fragile contexts.

The document defends the findings of an SGR/CIEH report on shale gas, arguing that unconventional gas extraction is more invasive than conventional gas and risks exceeding global carbon budgets. It highlights regulatory resource shortages in the UK, the potential for fracking to trigger seismic events that damage wellbore integrity, and the risk of air and water contamination. The authors argue that shale gas is not a 'key component' of IPCC mitigation strategies and suggest that the UK could reduce its dependence on natural gas through energy conservation, biogas, and a transition to electric heating.