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A coalition of European civil society organisations (CSOs) is protesting a campaign of disinformation led by some Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) from the European People’s Party (EPP) and far-right groups. The attack specifically targets the legitimacy of public funding for environmental NGOs under the LIFE programme. The statement argues that independent CSOs are essential for a functioning democracy and a fully informed decision-making process, contrasting the modest public grants received by NGOs with the high spending of corporate lobbyists in Brussels.

The document argues that EMFAF funds are being used in ways that contradict EU environmental goals and international obligations, specifically by underfunding marine biodiversity and failing to prioritise small-scale fisheries. It highlights a systemic gap where 5–12% of funds are allocated to environmentally harmful subsidies, exceeding biodiversity spending by more than twofold. Analysis of several Member States shows that most fall far below a recommended 25% allocation for conservation and restoration. The brief also warns that proposed changes to the next Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) risk further diluting these priorities by removing the EMFAF as a stand-alone fund and lacking mandatory spending targets for biodiversity and the decarbonisation of the fishing fleet.

Climate Strategies proposes five operational avenues for the first 2025 JTWP dialogue, including a non-prescriptive governance framework, a case study repository, a resource database, justice-focused metrics, and a global governance architecture. For the second 2025 dialogue, it recommends addressing climate resilience, restorative justice, transition minerals, and deep dives into neglected sectors like food and health systems. The submission also suggests reforming the dialogue format to combine workshops with discussions to better facilitate the sharing of real-world practitioner experiences.

The document is an open letter addressed to ministers and UNFCCC representatives during COP-19. Signed by 33 civil society networks and individuals from 87 countries, it argues that carbon markets must not compromise the ambition of climate mitigation efforts. The authors call for a comprehensive climate agreement by 2015, specifically demanding the rejection of pilot phase trading under the Diversified Framework Approach (FVA), the removal of non-additional projects and coal power from the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), and the establishment of international verification to prevent double counting.

The document details the technical approach for calculating and harmonising monthly wind and solar capacity data. It defines 'installed capacity' as the maximum potential output and explains the process for converting solar data between AC and DC values, using a default conversion factor of 1.3. The methodology describes how onshore and offshore wind are distinguished, often relying on IRENA data when primary sources lack a breakdown. It also specifies the publication schedule (twice monthly) and the use of proxies and linear interpolation to estimate missing data for global aggregates and specific countries. Detailed country-specific sections list data sources, publication lags, and specific adjustments for 25 territories, including the US, China, and the EU.

The analysis of 15 draft NECPs reveals a significant increase in wind and solar capacity targets since 2019, bringing the EU closer to REPowerEU goals, though still falling short. While renewable electricity is projected to generate 66-67% of EU electricity by 2030, the report highlights a critical lack of quantified targets for electricity storage and clean flexibility. Furthermore, the document criticises the poor quality and transparency of data provided in the draft plans, which hinders accountability and investment signals.

The statement urges the Spanish government to join the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty, highlighting Spain's vulnerability to extreme weather and its existing domestic progress in renewable energy. It argues that joining the treaty would align Spain with international legal duties to limit fossil fuel extraction and provide a model for other EU nations. The document emphasizes that a just transition could create up to 560,000 jobs in five years and prevent 25,000 annual deaths caused by air pollution.

Between 2021 and 2023, mining for copper, cobalt, lithium, and nickel was linked to 334 incidents of violence or protest across 19 top-producing countries, averaging 111 per year. Nearly 90% of these events occurred in emerging and developing economies, while the majority of production is controlled by companies from advanced economies and major consumer countries, primarily China. The report warns that social unrest is likely to increase as production is forecast to spike by 2028 to meet climate goals, potentially destabilizing supply chains and increasing costs for renewable technologies.

Global Witness reports that the EU has spent nearly €5 billion in taxpayer-funded grants and loans on 41 gas projects since 2013, with approximately €439 million wasted on seven projects that failed or are unlikely to function. The author contends that the TEN-E regulation creates a conflict of interest by allowing the European Network of Transmission System Operators for Gas (ENTSOG) to influence project selection. The report specifically highlights the BRUA pipeline, which received €431 million but faces significant viability issues regarding Black Sea gas extraction. Global Witness calls for the European Commission to remove all gas projects from the fifth Project of Common Interest (PCI) list and to reform the TEN-E regulation to redirect funds toward renewable energy.

An investigation by Global Witness found that ten European companies imported approximately €2 million worth of high-risk timber from Industrie Forestière du Congo (IFCO) in 2018. The report alleges that IFCO engaged in illegal logging practices, including operating outside boundaries and failing to pay taxes, while potentially maintaining links to sanctions-listed Hezbollah financiers via its predecessor, Cotrefor.

Global Witness alleges that Claudia Sassou-Nguesso, daughter of the President of the Republic of the Congo, used approximately $20 million in diverted public funds to purchase a $7.1 million luxury apartment (unit 32G) at the Trump International Hotel & Tower in Manhattan. The investigation details a complex financial trail involving the Brazilian company Asperbras, which allegedly inflated contracts for geological mapping and hospital construction in the Congo. Funds were routed through a Delaware subsidiary (Asperbras LLC), a British Virgin Islands entity (Energy & Mining Asp. Inc.), and a Cypriot shell company (Sebrit Limited) controlled by intermediary José Veiga on behalf of Sassou-Nguesso. The purchase was facilitated by the law firm K&L Gates LLP via a New York shell company, Ecree LLC. Global Witness argues that the Trump Organization and K&L Gates failed to perform adequate due diligence on a Politically Exposed Person (PEP), potentially facilitating money laundering.

The report details a showcase event hosted by GreenCape to connect South African brand owners and retailers with packaging manufacturers offering recyclable alternatives to problematic flexible plastics, specifically targeting polypropylene (PP) and multilayer multi-polymer packaging. While mono-material polyethylene alternatives are identified as viable, the report highlights significant barriers to adoption, including a lack of local demand to justify dedicated production lines, high costs of upgrading filling lines, and a need for operator training. These challenges hinder the progress toward the South African Plastics Pact's 2025 targets, including the goal for 100% of plastic packaging to be reusable, recyclable, or compostable.

The document provides a comprehensive analysis of nature-based solutions (NBS) as a means to address urban climate challenges. It evaluates the efficacy of various NBS—such as urban wetlands, green roofs, and sustainable urban drainage systems (SUDS)—in regulating temperature, managing stormwater, and improving air quality. Beyond environmental benefits, the report examines the positive impacts of urban green spaces on public health and social cohesion, while critically addressing issues of environmental justice and the risk of 'green gentrification'. It also explores the governance and financial barriers to NBS implementation, proposing a 'mainstreaming' framework to integrate these solutions into municipal planning and policy.

The research argues that the political weight of a diaspora is not determined by its size or the volume of remittances, but rather by the structure and organization of the home state. In Cape Verde, a state-led effort to organize the diaspora and the adoption of democratic reforms allowed migrants to exert influence through voting and parliamentary representation. In contrast, the Comores' fragmented state and diaspora, and Lesotho's reliance on South African labor without state-led reintegration, resulted in limited political influence for their respective migrant communities. The document highlights that while remittances provide economic survival, they cannot be used as diplomatic leverage like foreign aid, and often reinforce existing social inequalities rather than disrupting them.

The briefing examines the tense pre-electoral environment in Angola, highlighting accusations of election rigging by the MPLA and the potential for social unrest driven by youth and war veterans. It notes the limited influence of SADC and the muted response of international partners like the US and EU, which are driven by strategic and economic interests, particularly oil. The document also emphasizes the need for Angola to diversify its oil-dependent economy to ensure long-term stability.

The author argues that while globalisation drives unprecedented economic growth through comparative advantage and market efficiency, it creates a 'race to the bottom' where nations compete for volatile capital by slashing corporate taxes and deregulation. This process potentially erodes public funding for welfare, labour protections, and environmental standards. While the author finds evidence of a downward trend in global corporate tax rates, they note that reputational risks and NGO watchdogs may moderate the degradation of labour and environmental standards. The document concludes that managing these negative effects requires stronger, more democratic global governance, including the potential creation of a World Tax Authority and an International Financial Stability and Harmonisation Authority.

The authors argue that non-violent direct action is more effective at undermining autocracies and significantly more likely to lead to democratic transitions than violent conflict. Using a multinomial logit model for the period 1900-2004, the study finds that non-violent campaigns substantially increase the probability of democratization, particularly when the state has a high proportion of democratic neighbors. Conversely, violent direct action is less effective at destabilizing regimes overall and makes transitions to new autocracies relatively more likely. The research suggests that non-violence promotes power dispersion and elite defection, whereas violence tends to centralize power and justify further repression.

The policy brief identifies a gap between the climate commitments of institutional investors and their actual impact on corporate behavior, citing limited transparency and high barriers to shareholder action. It proposes four primary reforms to the Shareholder Rights Directive (SRD) II: introducing a mandatory 'Say on Climate' vote every three years, ensuring legal security for submitting environmental resolutions, increasing transparency requirements for asset owners, managers, and proxy advisors, and lowering the shareholding threshold for submitting resolutions to a maximum of 2% (and 0.2% for large companies).

The report argues that Concentrating Solar Thermal power (CST) is a viable large-scale, zero-carbon alternative to coal-fired power, particularly when combined with thermal storage to meet baseload demand. While currently more expensive than coal, costs are expected to decline through technology learning, R&D in materials and optical design, and economies of scale from larger plants. The document highlights that a carbon price of approximately $115 per ton of CO2 would make CST with 6 hours of storage economically competitive with coal. It emphasizes the need for stable policy support, such as feed-in tariffs, to bridge the current cost gap and calls for increased deployment in rapidly developing economies like China and India to alter their emissions trajectories. Additionally, the report notes that widespread CST adoption requires improved transmission infrastructure, specifically federal coordination in the U.S. and links between the EU and North Africa.

The paper identifies key factors and recommendations for achieving 'transformational' change in low-carbon energy, defined by large magnitude impact, non-linear growth, and long-term sustainability. Through the analysis of 20 case studies, the authors categorize experiences into transformational, potentially transformational, and missed opportunities, highlighting the roles of regulatory frameworks, financial incentives, and national ownership.