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Coal mine methane (CMM) emissions remained steady at approximately 34.7 million tonnes in 2023 despite rising coal production, indicating a failure to align with the Global Methane Pledge. The report highlights a critical data gap, estimating that 89% of emissions were unreported to the UNFCCC in 2023 and that 87% of global production relies on generic emission factors rather than direct measurement. While satellite monitoring is increasing, it currently captures only 10% of hard coal production. Technically, 54-63% of CMM emissions could be mitigated by 2030 using proven technologies, with drainage station capture offering significant potential at negative net cost and ventilation air methane (VAM) oxidation capable of cutting nearly a quarter of emissions.

The report highlights significant gaps and uncertainties in global coal mine methane (CMM) emissions reporting, noting that 89% of emissions were left unreported in 2023. It criticizes the reliance on generic emission factors (Tiers 1 and 2) used for 87% of global coal production and advocates for the transition to direct, facility-level measurements (Tier 3) to increase data confidence and support mitigation policies.

Ember recommends that governments mandate direct measurement and reporting for all coal mines, integrating satellite and independent data to identify super-emitters. The report advocates for banning venting from drainage systems, implementing binding reduction requirements for large emitters, and creating incentive mechanisms for ventilation air methane (VAM) mitigation. It further emphasizes the necessity of phasing down coal use and requiring comprehensive mine-closure plans to prevent ongoing emissions from decommissioned sites.

The report finds that by 2025, fossil fuel power generation fell below its peak in all 38 OECD member countries, driven by the rapid scaling of solar and wind energy. This trend is extending to emerging markets, with 2025 marking the first year this century (excluding 2020) that non-OECD fossil generation fell, specifically in China and India. The transition is increasingly driven by economic imperatives, as the levelized cost of solar and onshore wind is now 60% lower than combined cycle gas turbines.

In 2025, global electricity generation reached a historic milestone as renewables overtook coal power for the first time in 100 years, accounting for 33.8% of the global mix. This shift was driven by a record increase in solar power generation (636 TWh), which alone met 75% of the global electricity demand growth. Consequently, global fossil generation saw a slight decline of 38 TWh, marking the first such decrease since 2020 outside of a global recession or exceptionally mild year. This trend was most prominent in China and India, where fossil generation fell for the first time simultaneously in the 21st century. While Asia remains the only region where coal still exceeds renewables, the global emissions intensity of electricity fell to 458 gCO2e per kilowatt hour in 2025.

In 2025, global electricity generation saw a significant shift toward low-carbon sources, with solar and wind reaching a combined 17.3% share of total generation. Solar was the fastest-growing source, adding 636 TWh and meeting 75% of global demand growth. Conversely, coal's share of global electricity fell below one-third for the first time on record to 33.0%, and renewable generation exceeded coal generation for the first time. Low-carbon sources (including nuclear) reached 42.6% of total generation, while the emissions intensity of electricity dropped by 2.7% in 2025, the largest annual decline in two decades.

The briefing examines the surge in consumer demand for clean energy technologies in Germany, Italy, France, Poland, Spain, and the UK following the start of the Iran war. It highlights a strong correlation between fossil fuel price shocks and increased inquiries for solar PV and EVs, noting that supportive policies—such as feed-in tariffs, grants, and tax breaks—significantly bolster the economic case for adoption. Germany is identified as a leader in plug-in solar adoption due to its early policy interventions, while France and Germany are noted for social-based EV support models. The document also contains a disconnected section discussing the health and climate impacts of coal in Southeast Asia.

In 2025, wind and solar energy reached a record 22% of Türkiye's electricity generation, though coal remained the largest source at 34%. While the country has a massive 33 GW battery project pipeline that exceeds any single EU nation, it still trails European averages for renewable energy share. Persistent drought has significantly reduced hydroelectric output, increasing reliance on natural gas imports by an estimated $1.8 billion annually. A new purchase guarantee for domestic coal plants starting in 2026 may further increase coal generation, potentially contradicting the country's 2035 target of 120 GW of wind and solar capacity.

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) recommends that Australia move away from an outdated bilateral investment treaty (BIT) model that prioritizes investor protection and investor-state dispute settlement. Instead, IISD proposes a reimagined regime where treaties serve as tools for sustainable development, prioritizing investments in climate mitigation, adaptation, and a just transition, while ensuring national law remains the primary regulator.

Ember's analysis reveals a significant gap between planned renewable energy expansion and available grid capacity in Europe, with at least 120 GW of projects at risk. While some distribution grids can support household electrification, transmission bottlenecks threaten large-scale wind and solar projects, particularly in countries like Austria, Bulgaria, and Poland. The report advocates for 'non-wire solutions' and administrative reforms to unlock capacity and ensure energy security.

ClientEarth opposes the revision of the Water Framework Directive (WFD), arguing that current evidence supports full implementation over legislative changes. The organization warns that weakening the WFD would undermine legal certainty, jeopardize freshwater ecosystems, and shift economic costs from polluters to society. It specifically highlights risks from the mining sector and argues that the current revision process fails to comply with the European Commission's Better Regulation Guidelines.

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) argues that Australia's older BITs are based on an outdated model that prioritizes investor protection and investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) over public policy. The submission recommends reimagining these treaties as tools for sustainable development, prioritizing climate mitigation and a just transition. Key proposals include removing ISDS, implementing carve-outs for fossil fuel investments and climate measures, and reforming how damages are calculated to prevent exorbitant awards. IISD suggests that national legal frameworks, rather than international treaties, should be the primary regulators of foreign investment.

The report identifies 815 cases of climate misinformation across 44 audiovisual channels in Brazil, Spain, France, and Poland. It finds that private media are significantly more porous to disinformation than public media, with 85% of cases occurring in private outlets. A strong negative correlation exists between the volume of climate coverage and the prevalence of disinformation, meaning media that cover climate issues more frequently tend to spread less misinformation. The study highlights a shift toward 'new climate denial,' which focuses on obstructing climate action and attacking renewable energy rather than denying the existence of warming. Renewable energy is a primary target, often linked to narratives of lost sovereignty, anti-EU sentiment, and social decline. The report recommends improved journalist training, stricter guest selection protocols, and increased accountability for broadcasters.

The report identifies 815 cases of climate disinformation across 44 audiovisual channels in four countries, finding that private media are significantly more prone to spreading such content than public media. It highlights a negative correlation between the volume of climate coverage and the prevalence of disinformation, suggesting that consistent reporting reduces the risk of misinformation. The analysis reveals distinct national narratives: France focuses heavily on renewable energy costs and inefficiency; Poland links climate policy to anti-EU sentiment and industrial decline; Brazil emphasizes agribusiness virtues and climate denial; and Spain shows a unique susceptibility to 'chemtrails' conspiracy theories. The document recommends journalist training on obstructionist discourses, more rigorous guest selection for TV sets, regular environmental coverage, and the establishment of accountability frameworks for disinformation spreaders.

Europe experienced its coldest January since 2010, with temperatures 1.63°C above the 1991-2020 mean, though regional variations were significant. Forecasts for March-May 2026 project warmer-than-average temperatures across the continent, particularly in eastern and southeastern Europe, and generally weakly positive precipitation anomalies.

The briefing critiques Sweden's Social Climate Plan for its limited focus on a single electric vehicle premium, arguing that it ignores 120,000 heating-poor households and fails to address the root causes of transport poverty. Using the Transitional Assistance Framework, the authors categorize the plan as 'adaptive' but 'narrow' because it provides financial aid without addressing structural barriers like charging infrastructure or public transport. The document contrasts Sweden's approach with more comprehensive proposals from Greece, Latvia, and Poland, and recommends that EU member states prioritize structural investments over short-term technology subsidies to ensure a truly just transition.

The briefing asserts that authoritarian regimes, specifically Russia, China, and Iran, are using hybrid warfare to undermine trust in democratic institutions and divide liberal societies. It argues that current government responses are too siloed and reactive, failing to deliver results. To counter this, the author proposes three strategic pillars: establishing a comprehensive counter-hybrid doctrine that includes asymmetric and offensive capabilities, reorganizing government structures to enable holistic coordination and multi-stakeholder coalitions, and prioritizing strategic communications to outcompete authoritarian narratives both domestically and internationally.

A satellite-based analysis by Ember reveals that Polish coal mines were the most frequent fossil fuel methane super-emitters in the EU in 2025. Despite a ban on routine venting from drainage systems that took effect in January 2025 under the EU Methane Regulation, five Polish drainage systems were observed venting methane. The report highlights a critical gap in enforcement, noting that Poland has not established the required national penalty framework. Coking coal mines were responsible for the vast majority of super-emitter events, and the analysis suggests that captured drainage methane could have provided significant heating energy for Polish households.

The report highlights that 'next generation geothermal' technologies, such as Enhanced Geothermal Systems (EGS), have expanded the geographic viability of geothermal power beyond volcanic regions. In the EU, approximately 43 GW of capacity could be developed at costs below 100 €/MWh, potentially generating 301 TWh of electricity annually. While Europe has a strong historical foundation in geothermal energy, the report warns that the EU risks losing its leadership to the US and Canada due to slow permitting and a lack of coordinated policy frameworks. It also notes geothermal's potential to meet the rising energy demands of AI data centres and its ability to provide firm, low-carbon power and mineral recovery, such as lithium.

The report analyzes how the 'Romanian scenario'—a conspiracy theory alleging that the EU, intelligence services, and courts can rig elections—was used by far-right and far-left political actors, alternative media, and Russian-affiliated channels to undermine trust in Czechia's 2025 parliamentary elections. The narrative evolved from the actual annulment of a Romanian election round in December 2024 into a broader claim of institutional manipulation, often linking the EU's Rapid Response System (RRS) to 'censorship'. The study identifies a transnational pattern, noting similar narratives in Poland and Croatia, and highlights the role of pro-Kremlin propaganda in amplifying these claims to foster democratic distrust.