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The report examines how developing countries can utilize WTO-consistent support measures for rural development and the environment, focusing on the 'Green Box' of the Agreement on Agriculture (AoA). It analyzes the practices of 'Quad' countries (EU, USA, Canada, Japan) and evaluates three potential negotiation scenarios for the Doha Round, ranging from strict liberalization to expanded flexibilities for development needs. The author recommends that developing countries push for a new 'Development Box' or expanded Green Box access to protect food security and rural livelihoods while transitioning toward decoupled support.

The document details the 'Doha Mandate' for agricultural trade, highlighting deep divisions among WTO members over the phasing out of export subsidies and the reduction of trade-distorting domestic support. It outlines competing proposals for market access—specifically the 'Swiss formula' versus the 'Uruguay Round approach'—and examines the role of 'non-trade concerns' such as food security and environmental protection. The briefing also discusses the contentious nature of 'special and differential treatment' for developing countries and the specific categories of agricultural support (Amber, Green, and Blue Boxes).

The document analyzes the legal tensions between GATS trade liberalization and the regulation of water services, which are often natural monopolies. It examines how different WTO Members use 'specific commitments' to carve out public utilities and preserve the ability to impose universal service obligations and subsidies. The authors argue that the ambiguity of GATS terms and the political pressure on developing countries may lead to a loss of regulatory autonomy over essential water services.

The document details the early stages of the Doha Round negotiations on WTO rules, highlighting the friction between developed and developing nations over trade remedies and subsidies. It examines specific proposals to reform anti-dumping procedures, the debate over the 'safe harbour' of OECD export credit standards, and the contentious issue of fisheries subsidies. Additionally, it outlines the effort to balance the proliferation of regional trade agreements with multilateralism, noting a lack of consensus on key definitions and the developmental impact of such agreements.

The document details the status of the Doha Ministerial Declaration's mandates on the relationship between WTO rules and multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs), the liberalisation of environmental goods and services, and the integration of sustainable development into trade negotiations. It highlights significant deadlocks, including the observer status of MEA secretariats due to geopolitical conflicts and disagreements over the definition of environmental goods, particularly regarding process and production method (PPM) criteria.

The document outlines the efforts of the WTO Working Group on Trade and Transfer of Technology (WGTTT) to increase technology flows to developing countries. It highlights a divide between developing nations, who seek the full implementation of technology transfer clauses and capacity-building, and developed nations, such as the US, which prefer an analytical approach that does not interfere with existing WTO obligations. The briefing also details the role of the TRIPS Agreement, specifically Article 66.2 regarding incentives for least-developed countries, and the differing perspectives of the EU, Canada, Brazil, and China on the mechanisms of technology transfer.

The document examines the global trend of water privatization, highlighting how the World Bank and IMF pressure developing nations to privatize water services as a condition for loans. It details the dominance of French multinationals Suez and Vivendi, and the impact of trade agreements like GATS on water access. Through case studies from Bolivia, Malaysia, Indonesia, and other regions, it documents tariff increases, environmental degradation, and social resistance, while proposing community-based management and 'soft path' alternatives to corporate control.

The document critiques the global trend of water privatization, highlighting how the World Bank and IMF use loan conditionalities to force poor nations to privatize water services. It details the dominance of French multinationals like Suez and Vivendi, the impact of trade agreements like GATS, and provides case studies from countries such as Bolivia, Malaysia, and Indonesia where privatization led to price hikes and social unrest. It advocates for water as a social and cultural good rather than an economic commodity, promoting community-based management and ecological restoration.

The document analyzes the conflict between developed and developing nations regarding 'non-trade concerns' (NTCs) in WTO agricultural negotiations. It details the 'Green Box' of allowed support measures and outlines three primary negotiating positions: those seeking expanded flexibility for multifunctional agriculture, those pushing for strict liberalization to prevent trade distortion, and developing nations seeking a 'Development Box' to protect food security and rural poverty alleviation.

The report details the IAI's participation in the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) in Johannesburg. It highlights the 'Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development', specifically articles 13, 16, and 18, which address climate change, biodiversity, and basic human requirements. The author notes a 'lost decade' between the Rio and Johannesburg summits, citing increased global warming and poverty. The report also covers unofficial forums, including the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment and discussions on African agriculture and the global water crisis.

The report details the IAI's involvement in the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development, highlighting the alignment between the official Johannesburg Declaration and IAI's focus on climate change, biodiversity, and food security. It describes participation in both official agendas and alternative forums, such as the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment and discussions on African soil fertility and global water governance.

The report by Friends of the Earth International details 22 campaigns against multinational corporations across various sectors—including mining, oil, logging, and biotechnology—that are accused of destroying biodiversity and harming local communities. It highlights the failure of corporate self-regulation and 'greenwashing' strategies, specifically criticizing the outcomes of the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and the approach of the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit. The document calls for the recognition of 'ecological debt' owed by Northern industrial nations to the Global South and demands a binding legal framework to ensure corporate accountability, including the right of communities to be consulted and to receive compensation for damages.

The briefing argues that WTO trade liberalisation and intellectual property rules may undermine global biodiversity protections. It highlights conflicts between WTO regulations and the CBD's 'precautionary approach' to Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs), the risk of corporate control over 'ecological goods' and services, and the marginalisation of the CBD Secretariat within WTO decision-making processes. The author contends that industrial agriculture promoted by the WTO displaces traditional farming and encourages chemical dependency, while TRIPS agreement patents may conflict with the non-patentability of genetic resources.

The document argues that proactive action on climate change can reduce costs, mitigate risks, and create competitive advantages. It outlines short-term strategies like emission tracking and 'no-regrets' energy efficiency, and long-term investments in clean technology and carbon trading. It emphasizes 'whole-systems thinking' to achieve radical resource efficiency and provides case studies of companies like BP, Dow, and Interface that have integrated sustainability into their business models.

The Basel Action Network and a coalition of environmental NGOs oppose the U.S. State Department's plan to selectively ratify the 1989 Basel Convention while refusing the 1995 Ban Amendment. The authors argue that the original convention is inadequate and that the Ban Amendment is essential to end 'toxic colonialism' by prohibiting hazardous waste exports from OECD countries to non-OECD nations. They contend that the ban provides a necessary incentive for industry to reduce waste production and toxicity, and they urge the U.S. to either ratify the entire framework or not accede to the treaty at all.

The survey found that while most non-US export credit agencies claim to consider environmental issues, none had detailed written environmental policies as of September 1998. Australia's EFIC was identified as having the most comprehensive standards due to legal mandates, while Israel's IFTRIC explicitly stated it does not consider environmental issues. Several agencies, including those in France and Germany, began adopting questionnaires in response to a 1998 OECD Resolution.

The report examines the Baltic Sea Region's trajectory toward 2030, contrasting a business-as-usual scenario with a sustainability vision. It argues that conventional development will lead to increased environmental pressure and persistent socio-economic disparities, whereas a sustainability vision requires decoupling economic growth from resource throughput through aggressive technological innovation and a shift in human values.

The document analyzes the shift from security-focused disarmament forums, such as the Conference on Disarmament (CD) and the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW), toward the humanitarian-led Ottawa Process. It details the progression of meetings from Ottawa in 1996 through Brussels and Oslo in 1997, culminating in a treaty for a total ban on anti-personnel landmines (APMs). The paper highlights the role of smaller states and NGOs, the specific challenges posed by US security exemptions, and the acute impact of landmines in Africa.

The document is a monograph titled 'New Partners in Peace: Towards a Southern African Peacekeeping Capacity', which explores the establishment of regional peacekeeping partnerships, the role of part-time units in UN duties, and the management of small arms proliferation in Southern Africa.

The document argues that while the Baltic Sea Region has a strong tradition of environmental co-operation, it is not yet on a path toward sustainable development. It proposes 'Baltic 21', a regional action programme designed to bridge economic disparities between the West Baltic Region (WBR) and East Baltic Region (EBR) while addressing critical environmental threats. The report identifies key risks including eutrophication of the Baltic Sea, acid rain, and the environmental legacy of Soviet-era industry in Russia and Poland. It emphasizes the need for a holistic approach that integrates sustainability into key sectors—energy, agriculture, forestry, transport, and industry—and leverages the influence of the European Union's pre-accession strategies to harmonize environmental standards across the region.