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The Cartagena Declaration, issued in September 2003, argues that a 'predatory economic model' and the 'greed' of the Global North drive systemic environmental and human rights violations. It highlights specific injustices, such as the fumigation of the Amazon and the desecration of sacred sites by the oil industry, while criticizing the role of transnational corporations and multilateral development banks. The declaration calls for a shift toward 'ecological security, food security and energy security' and an end to the criminalization of environmental defenders.

The document examines the fragile peace process in Liberia after the departure of President Charles Taylor to Nigeria on August 11, 2003. It details the roles of the caretaker government under Moses Blah, the rebel groups LURD and MODEL, and the security provided by ECOMIL forces. The report highlights significant humanitarian crises, including hundreds of thousands of displaced persons and the widespread use of child soldiers. It identifies critical risks to the peace pact, such as the potential for renewed fighting if power is not handed over to Gyude Bryant by October 14, the continued influence of Taylor from exile, and a security gap created by the departure of US forces before a UN stabilization force can be deployed.

The document traces the South African defence industry's shift from a state-driven system designed for apartheid-era isolation to a competitive global actor. Following the end of the Cold War and the transition to democracy in 1994, the industry underwent significant downsizing and restructuring, moving away from total self-sufficiency toward strategic partnerships and export-led growth. Key entities like Armscor and Denel were reorganized to separate procurement from manufacturing, while the private sector consolidated. The paper highlights the role of the Strategic Defence Packages (SDPs) and Industrial Participation (IP) in revitalizing the sector, alongside the challenges of implementing black economic empowerment and aligning industrial policy with regional foreign policy goals.

The report examines the global landscape of GMO import regulations, noting a concentration of commercial acreage in the US, Argentina, Canada, and China, while many developing nations face regulatory blockages. It details the stringent regimes in the EU and Australia/New Zealand, the more flexible approach in the US, and varying levels of adoption and restriction in Asia, Latin America, and Africa. The document further analyzes potential conflicts between these national regulations—specifically regarding traceability, labelling, and the precautionary principle—and WTO agreements such as the SPS, TBT, and GATT, as well as the influence of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety.

A statement from global civil society organizations calling on the International Commission on Large Dams (ICOLD) to adopt the World Commission on Dams (WCD) framework and policy principles within its developing Code of Ethics to prevent social and environmental harm.

The report 'Failing the Challenge' by Friends of the Earth International criticizes Shell for prioritizing short-term profits over human rights and environmental protection. It documents a pattern of pollution, health crises, and human rights abuses across several countries, including Nigeria, South Africa, the US, and the Philippines. The authors argue that Shell engages in 'greenwashing' by using PR to mask its continued expansion of fossil fuel production and its failure to hold itself accountable for local damages. The report calls for changes to UK company law to ensure corporations are legally responsible for their global impacts.

The document analyzes the NEPAD African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), detailing its five-stage review process, its organizational structure involving the APR Forum and Panel of Eminent Persons, and its complex relationship with the African Union. It highlights the tension between political governance review and economic governance, the role of partner institutions like the UNECA and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, and the challenges of financing and institutional capacity in ensuring the mechanism's efficacy.

The report documents systemic environmental and health failures at Shell facilities in South Africa, the USA, the Philippines, Nigeria, Brazil, Curaçao, and Russia. It argues that Shell's commitment to sustainable development is a public relations exercise designed to mask pollution, human rights abuses, and the circumvention of local laws. The authors call for a reform of UK company law to establish a legal 'duty of care' for directors regarding their global social and environmental impacts, moving beyond voluntary CSR frameworks.

The author argues that while the end of the Cold War initially saw a rise in local conflicts, the overall trend is moving toward a more peaceful world. This optimism is grounded in the observed decline in the number of armed conflicts since the late 1990s and the positive influence of global trends such as poverty reduction, democratization, and the rise of international military interventions for conflict settlement. The analysis highlights that internal conflicts (civil wars) are the dominant form of violence and are most strongly linked to poverty, though the author distinguishes between 'greed' and 'grievance' motivations. The document also notes that while ethnic polarization and resource scarcity are often cited as causes of war, systematic evidence is often ambiguous or secondary to broader economic and political factors.

The report evaluates PASEL's effectiveness in mitigating conflicts between transhumant herders and sedentary farmers in Niger. It finds that the program's approach—securing livestock corridors, promoting intensive breeding, and supporting local development—has significantly reduced violent clashes. However, it notes that structural issues, such as land insecurity, ethnic prejudices, and arbitrary legal application, continue to create a high sense of insecurity for herders.

The paper argues that the predominant reductionist model of Western science has failed, contributing to environmental degradation and the marginalisation of indigenous knowledge. It proposes a non-binding 'Convention on Knowledge' based on principles of public ownership, ecological accountability, and the protection of indigenous rights. The authors call for a shift toward holistic, organic sciences and the banning of destructive technologies, such as weapons of mass destruction and certain forms of genetic engineering, while promoting research into agro-ecology, renewable energy, and holistic health.

The report examines the symbiotic relationship between sustainable development and environmental justice, asserting that the former cannot be attained without the latter. It identifies three key legal nexuses: the right to a healthy environment, community-based property rights (CBPRs), and procedural rights to participation. The text highlights systemic failures where vulnerable populations, particularly in the Global South and minority communities in the US, bear disproportionate environmental burdens. It recommends shifting from market-based to rights-based approaches, strengthening corporate accountability, and ensuring the meaningful participation of indigenous and local communities in decision-making processes.

The report by Friends of the Earth International details 22 campaigns against multinational corporations across various sectors—including mining, oil, logging, and biotechnology—that are accused of destroying biodiversity and harming local communities. It highlights the failure of corporate self-regulation and 'greenwashing' strategies, specifically criticizing the outcomes of the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and the approach of the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit. The document calls for the recognition of 'ecological debt' owed by Northern industrial nations to the Global South and demands a binding legal framework to ensure corporate accountability, including the right of communities to be consulted and to receive compensation for damages.

This fact sheet outlines the evolution of sustainable development from the 1960s through 2002. It tracks the transition from early environmental warnings, such as Rachel Carson's Silent Spring, to the establishment of major international frameworks like the 1992 Earth Summit and the 1997 Kyoto Protocol. The timeline highlights the increasing integration of social equity, economic development, and environmental protection, noting the roles of NGOs, intergovernmental bodies, and scientific discoveries in driving global policy.

This fact sheet traces the evolution of sustainable development from the 1960s to 2002. It highlights a progression from early environmental warnings, such as Rachel Carson's 1962 work, to the establishment of major international frameworks like the 1987 Brundtland Report and the 1992 Rio Earth Summit. The timeline documents the rise of environmental NGOs, the creation of UN agencies like UNEP, and the development of climate-specific agreements including the Montreal Protocol and the Kyoto Protocol. It also notes the intersection of sustainability with social issues, such as poverty eradication, human rights, and gender equality, culminating in the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg.

The report argues that a TRC in Zimbabwe should be operationally independent of the government, well-funded from the start, and composed of a balanced panel of respected national and international commissioners. It suggests a broad mandate covering serious rights abuses, including land invasions, and recommends public hearings with victim counselling. The author proposes that a conditional amnesty model—requiring full disclosure and excluding crimes like genocide and torture—may be the only realistic way to persuade the current regime to relinquish power. Finally, it assesses the International Criminal Court's (ICC) jurisdiction, noting that while Zimbabwe is not a State Party, the UN Security Council could still refer the situation to the Court.

The document presents a series of case studies from Friends of the Earth (FoE) affiliates worldwide, highlighting grassroots efforts to combat deforestation, protect endangered species, promote organic food, and transition to renewable energy. It emphasizes the role of local communities—particularly indigenous peoples and women—in creating sustainable alternatives to corporate-led development. The report also outlines the organization's broader political agenda to challenge international financial institutions and multinational corporations, advocating for 'ecological debt' payments from the Global North to the Global South.

The paper examines the relationship between poverty and environmental degradation, arguing that while poverty does not necessarily cause degradation, the poor are disproportionately harmed by the loss of natural capital. It critiques the 'Environmental Kuznets Curve' and suggests that sustainable development requires tracking total wealth (natural, human, social, and physical capital) and strengthening institutional frameworks to manage common resources.

In an address to the Kosovo, Africa and Humanitarian Intervention Conference, President Nelson Mandela highlights a "disparity of treatment" in how the international community responds to crises in different regions. He contrasts the readiness of the international community to intervene and commit resources to Kosovo with the failure to act during the genocide in Rwanda and the lack of promised support for peacekeeping in Sierra Leone. Mandela emphasizes that the lessons from the Independent International Commission on Kosovo should help advance dialogue on conflict resolution and calls for the global village to share concern for human suffering regardless of geography. He concludes by citing the Burundi peace process as a positive example of renewed international interest in African stability and reconstruction.

The document examines the transition of African security from Cold War paradigms to a new era of 'human security' and regional peace support. It argues that traditional UN peacekeeping is often insufficient for African conflicts, which frequently require 'peace enforcement' and a more robust, integrated military doctrine. The text highlights the role of regional bodies like the OAU, ECOWAS, and SADC, while critiquing the 'ECOMOG model' for its reliance on regional hegemons like Nigeria and the use of private military companies. It also explores the phenomenon of 'warlordism,' where leaders exploit global markets and natural resources to sustain predatory armed factions in failing states. Finally, it advocates for security sector reform (SSR) that is 'indigenised' to African contexts rather than merely applying Eurocentric models.